Monday, December 29, 2008

BIRTUKAN MIDEKSSA THE LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION PARTY UNITY FOR DEMOCRACY AND JUSTICE (UDJ)formerly(CUDP)HAS BEEN IMPRISONED FOR LIFE


Ms. Bertukan Mideksa, an opposition leader Ethiopians regard as a unifying force of their ethnically-fragmented country, may be sent to Kaliti, a notorious prison where the 34-year-old former judge spent nearly two years before her release last year.

A Clemency Board controlled by the ruling party on Saturday decided that the leader of the opposition Unity for Democracy and Justice Party (UDJP - Andinet) should be arrested for allegedly failing to give “adequate response” to police.

On Sunday, www.abugidainfo.com, a pro-democracy website based in Boston, broke the news that the Clemency Board was after the arrest of Bertukan, the first female leader of a major opposition party in the history of Ethiopia. The government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi is incriminating Ms. Bertukan for telling support groups in Europe last November that she and other leaders of the former Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) were released thanks to mediation efforts by a group of prominent elders called shimagle.

The government wants the opposition leader to acknowledge that her release was dependent on taking responsibilities for the violence that followed the 2005 elections, and posting an apology to the government in exchange for clemency.

If the head of state, President Girma Woldegiorgis, approved the Clemency Board's request for the arrest of the opposition leader, Bertukan would end up behind bars, the report that appeared in Amharic on AbugidaInfo warned. Observers say the symbolic head of state has no executive power, and he would approve whatever the Clemency Board passed as a decision.

Police last week gave Bertukan a three-day ultimatum either to recant her remarks or go to jail for life. She said she had committed no wrongdoing.

“The relentless campaign of fear and intimidation targets not only me but also all law-abiding activists,” Bertukan warned in a statement.

Since the last several days, Ms. Bertukan has been the target of vitriolic attacks by the state-run media, while her daily life has been haunted by government security agents who check her movement in four cars.

Bertukan and her party, UDJP enjoy tremendous support at home and abroad.

Despite the threat of arrest in the spy-infested society, UDJP was able to draw over 5,000 enthusiastic supporters to its first ever meeting in Addis recently.

Following news of the government campaign of intimidation, Bertukan was able to draw a swift show of solidarity from the powerful association of UDJP support groups in North America.
The Zenawi regime, which has deliberately fragmented Ethiopia under an apartheid-look-alike system of misrule since 1991, is often denounced by human rights organizations as one of the most ruthless regimes in Africa.

Tuesday, December 23, 2008


BREAKING NEWS.....
The Ethiopian government IS THREATENING to re-arrest opposition party leader Ms. Birtukan Mideksa within three days if she refuses to publicly disavow statements she made while on a working tour in Europe this November, the government run media of Ethiopia has reported.

Friday, December 19, 2008

Gwynne Dyer: The U.S. and Ethiopia's blunder in Somalia

By Gwynne Dyer
Statesmen ought to have a special prize just for themselves, like fools have the Darwin Awards. The Darwin Awards commemorate very stupid people who did a service to human evolution by accidentally removing themselves from the gene pool. The statesman’s equivalent could be called something like the Cheney-Zenawi Award.
I mention this because the shining stupidity of the US Vice-President and the Ethiopian Prime Minister are on special display this week, as the Ethiopian army prepares to withdraw from Somalia two years after its foredoomed invasion, leaving the country in the hands of precisely the people whom they wanted to eliminate. We need negative role models too, and you couldn’t ask for worse than this pair.
I can’t actually prove that getting Ethiopia to invade Somalia was Dick Cheney’s brainchild, but it smells exactly like a Dick Cheney idea: crude, violent, and barking up entirely the wrong tree. Just like invading Iraq, in fact.
As for Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, he had already distinguished himself by becoming obsessed with the stupidest border war in modern African history. It wasn’t his fault to start with: Ethiopia was attacked out of the blue in 1998 by the insanely aggressive regime in Eritrea, but Ethiopian troops drove the Eritreans back. By the ceasefire in mid-2000, Ethiopia had recovered all the ground it lost at the start.
An international commission found Eritrea guilty of aggression, and another one arbitrated all the disputed stretches of border, granting Ethiopia most of its claims. Both sides said they would accept the rulings—and then Zenawi walked away from the deal. He has been getting ready for another war with Eritrea ever since.
Going to war with Eritrea again would mean defying the United Nations ruling, so Zenawi needed the backing of some great power that could protect him from the UN’s censure. Who better than the United States, which has assiduously ignored and belittled the UN under the Bush administration? Now what could Ethiopia do for the Bush administration in return?
Well, it could invade Somalia. Washington didn’t want to put American troops into Somalia again, having had its nose bloodied in 1993, but it did want to overthrow the civilian regime that was restoring peace in southern Somalia and put its favourite warlord in power instead. Ethiopian troops would do the job just as well.

I think I can see the self-satisfied smirk on Cheney’s face as he closed the deal: another triumph for the subtle master of geopolitics. I can’t make out the look on Zenawi’s face, but maybe he was smiling too. Too clever by half, as the saying goes.

The job was to overthrow the Union of Islamic Courts, a mass movement funded by local merchants in Mogadishu who wanted to end the constant robberies and kidnaps that made life impossible in the Somali capital. The UIC mobilised the desire of ordinary Somalis for an end to the violence that had ravaged the country for fifteen years, and the peace they brought to Mogadishu soon spread over most of southern Somalia.
Unfortunately the courts were “Islamic” and they wanted to enforce sharia law, which in Washington’s book made them practically terrorists. They did have a few unsavoury allies, notably an extremist militia called al-Shebab, but they gave people in Mogadishu their first real hope of security and justice. They should not have been destroyed.

The Ethiopian army invaded Somalia in December 2006, drove the Islamic Courts out of Mogadishu, and installed Abdullahi Yusuf, the president of the “Transitional Federal Government” (TFG) of Somalia, in power. Well, not exactly in power, since the citizens and militias of Mogadishu immediately began attacking the hated Ethiopians, who only controlled whatever was in their gunsights. As for Abdullahi Yusuf, he only controlled a suite of rooms and some telephones.

He was originally chosen as president of the TFG, with ample US support, at a conclave of Somali warlords dignified with the name of “parliament” in Kenya in 2004. He would never have made it back to Mogadishu without the help of the Ethiopian army, and accepting that help made him deeply suspect in the eyes of most Somalis.
The resistance has driven the Ethiopian army out of most of southern Somalia in the past two years, and now the Ethiopians are going home. Abdullahi Yusuf will have to leave too, since he has no supporters except the Ethiopians and the Americans. Which will leave Mogadishu in the hands not of the Union of Islamic Courts, alas, but rather of the extremist militias that have pushed the UIC aside during their struggle against the foreign troops.
It’s almost as perverse as the Bush administration’s decision to eliminate Iran’s two great enemies in the Gulf, Saddam Hussein’s Iraq and the Taliban in Afghanistan. Ethiopia and the United States have not only plunged Somalia needlessly back into war. They have made it possible for the nastiest, craziest extremists, people who think it is their duty to kill other Muslims with “un-Islamic” haircuts, to take power in Mogadishu.
The world needs a Cheney-Zenawi Award for Gross Political Stupidity, and I know who the first nominees should be.
Gwynne Dyer’s new book, Climate Wars, has just been published in Canada by Random House.

Wednesday, December 10, 2008

Birtukan Mideksa questioned by Federal Police

In an effort to silence peaceful opposition in Ethiopia, the Zenawi regime is using all means possible. Today, the chairperson of UDJ party, Judge Birtukan Mideqssa was questioned by the notorious federal police for her speeches she made in Sweden. It looks black mailing Birtukan to make UDJ lenient if not loyal opposition.

Monday, December 8, 2008

When will the Daybreak Come?


WHEN WILL THE DAY BREAK COME???
WHEN WILL BE JUSTICE PREVAIL IN ETHIOPIA??????
Kristin Skare Orgeret
Abstract
Popular musical expressions are important for discourses of citizenship and belonging.
Focusing on popular music and political processes in Ethiopia today, this discussion uses
Tewodros Kassahun aka Teddy Afro’s music as an example. Teddy Afro is a popular voice
challenging the prevailing political discourse in Ethiopia. Several of Afro’s songs have been
banned by the government on radio and television in Ethiopia, but are found to provide
alternative sites of political and cultural resistance to the autocratic regime. Reasons for
censorship are discussed as well as how music can provide alternative sites of resistance.
The findings show that oppressing political expressions may not always kill the ideas, as
they may find alternative arenas in the face of obstacles.
Keywords: freedom of expression, popular culture, censorship, music, public sphere
Introduction
Popular culture may have a central role to play in societies where the mainstream media
do not allow for freedom of expression. The case in point here is Ethiopia, a country
that, throughout the past decades, has seen processes of politics and conflicts in which
individuals find themselves caught up, as they may have little or no say in these developments.
It is a common assumption that the present government – led by the Ethiopian
People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) that seized power through an
armed struggle in 1991 – does not reflect the people’s will or pursue common rights to
any great degree. The current Constitution’s Article 29 protects freedom of expression
without interference, including the freedom to seek, receive and impart information,
as well as freedom of artistic creation (in Gebremedhin Simon 2006). Despite these
promising tenets, Ethiopia was recently listed among the ten nations worldwide in
which press freedom has deteriorated the most over the past five years (CPJ 2007).
Restrictions of freedom of the press are also underlined in the US State Department’s
report on human rights practices in Ethiopia (2007). During the political elections in
2005, Ethiopia became the second country in the world (after Turkey) in a ranking of
countries by number of imprisoned journalists (Solomon Gashaw 2007). In 2006 alone,
18 journalists were jailed for their work – several of them faced the possibility of the
death penalty, two foreign journalists were expelled, and the authorities banned eight
newspapers and blocked a number of critical websites. Furthermore, Ethiopia is the
only country in the world where the government has disrupted the possibility to send
and receive SMS messages.
232
Kristin Skare Orgeret
The present discussion will be centred on how popular musical expressions are important
for discourses of citizenship and belonging in Ethiopia today. The main research
question is: What is the value of popular culture in general, and popular music in particular,
as a vehicle for political resistance? Other questions of interest for the discussion
will be: Who has the right to interpret contemporary Ethiopian society and its history?
Who has the right to define reality and impose meanings? What forms of resistance can
popular music offer? What are the locations of and the routes for popular music and
what spaces does it open for transformation and change? What paths can popular music
and the reception of it take in the face of obstacles?
The situation of popular music in contemporary Ethiopia is approached through a
case study of Tewodros Kassahun aka Teddy Afro’s music and the reception of it. The
research questions will be discussed from the perspective of DJs on national radio,
owners of small, independent music shops in Addis Ababa, and a selected number of
listeners through questionnaires, interviews and reception analysis. In an attempt to
understand the space that music occupies in the listeners’ daily lives, central topics are
questions of language, music as opposition, identity, negotiation of meaning and control.
To exemplify how popular music can provide alternative sites of resistance, the article
proposes a close reading of two of Teddy Afro’s songs.
Teddy Afro became an important voice in the national exchange of ideas during the
period around and after the 2005 elections. Whereas national Ethiopian television and
radio refuse to broadcast several of Teddy Afro’s songs and videos, his music nevertheless
plays a vital role in constructing patterns of belonging and in processes of negotiating
identity, as the songs find other ways to reach their public.
Popular Music as Resistance and Field of Repression
Popular music, like popular culture in general, is a concept with a double-layered
meaning owing to the word popular. The first and most commonly used meaning of
‘popular’ views music as part of the culture industry in which popular is defined in terms
of commercial success. In Ethiopia, local popular music has outperformed its imported
rivals in terms of popularity. Whereas newspapers or news talk shows reach mostly an
elite section of the population, popular culture is successful in reaching a wide variety
of viewers and listeners. Second, the word popular literally means ‘of the people’, and
popular music hence can be referred to as music that concerns itself with issues to do
with the existence and survival of ‘the people’. Its production is understood as a social
interactive process in which the musician on one level speaks to ‘the people’ and on
another level speaks of and on behalf of them (Kwaramba 1997).
According to Stuart Hall (1994: 461), the popular can be defined as those forms and
activities in society that have their roots in the social and material conditions of particular
classes, which have become embodied in popular traditions and practices. Popular
culture is defined in relation to the continuing tension, influence and antagonism of
‘the people’ in the dominant culture. The definition treats the domain of cultural forms
as a constantly changing field. Experiences from other countries have also shown how
popular music can be a central part of political struggles. For instance, popular music
played a particularly important role in the resistance movement during the Apartheid
period (1948-1991) of South African history (Shoup 1997).
It should be noted that music has always played an important role in Ethiopian
culture. It is as important as it is diverse. In Ethiopia, music is part of all significant

Somalia: War Crimes Devastate Population


Outside Powers Exacerbate Crisis Through Failed Policies
December 8, 2008(Nairobi) - All parties in the escalating conflict in Somalia have regularly committed war crimes and other serious abuses during the past year that have contributed to the country's humanitarian catastrophe, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. Human Rights Watch urged the United States, the European Union, and other major international actors to rethink their flawed approaches to the crisis and support efforts to ensure accountability.
The 104-page report, "So Much to Fear: War Crimes and the Devastation of Somalia," describes how the Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG), the Ethiopian forces that intervened in Somalia to support it and insurgent forces have committed widespread and serious violations of the laws of war. Frequent violations include indiscriminate attacks, killings, rape, use of civilians as human shields, and looting. Since early 2007, the escalating conflict has claimed thousands of civilian lives, displaced more than a million people, and driven out most of the population of Mogadishu, the capital. Increasing attacks on aid workers in the past year have severely limited relief operations and contributed to an emerging humanitarian crisis.

Thursday, November 27, 2008

Ethiopia: Charge or Free Ethnic Oromo Terrorism Suspects

Detainees Held Weeks Without Charge
November 27, 2008
Ethiopia has well-founded fears of terrorist attacks, but has often manipulated those fears to suppress dissent.
Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch
(New York, November 27, 2008) - The Ethiopian government should immediately free 53 ethnic Oromos arrested several weeks ago on allegations of support for terrorism if it cannot credibly charge them, Human Rights Watch said today. Human Rights Watch said that a court should not grant further police requests to extend their detention without charge past a December 1, 2008, deadline, in part because of serious risks of torture.
Ethiopian authorities have arrested more than 100 ethnic Oromo Ethiopians since October 30 in Addis Ababa and across Ethiopia's Oromia region, and 53 remain in detention without charge in Addis Ababa. The government claims they were helping plot terrorist attacks on behalf of the outlawed Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), that they were funding the rebel group or committing other, as yet unspecified crimes linked to terrorism or rebel activity.
"Ethiopia has well-founded fears of terrorist attacks, but has often manipulated those fears to suppress dissent," said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "These mass arrests bear all the hallmarks of the ‘imprison first, investigate later' tactics used to arbitrarily detain peaceful critics.''
While Ethiopia has valid security concerns related to bombings and other attacks, the government has routinely cited terrorism as a pretext for suppressing nonviolent opposition and arbitrarily detaining peaceful government critics. Over the years, Ethiopia's government has regularly used accusations of support for the Oromo rebels, who have been carrying out a low-level insurgency for a decade, as a pretext for cracking down on political dissent among the Oromo population.
Those arrested include Bekele Jirata, secretary general of the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement, an opposition political party with seats in Parliament; three human rights activists working for the Ethiopian Human Rights Council in the town of Nekemte (since released); teachers and university lecturers; and several prominent businessmen and hotel owners. At their last court appearance, some of the detainees said that they had been taken from their cells at night and tortured. Torture has been a routine practice at Addis Ababa's Maikelawi, or Central Investigation Unit, where the detainees are being held.
The Ethiopian government blames the Oromo rebels for numerous grenade and bomb attacks in Addis Ababa and elsewhere in recent years. A public statement by police and intelligence officials on November 22 accused legal opposition parties of harboring terrorists bent on "dismantling the national constitution" within their ranks.
The recent arrests coincide with a massive security deployment in Addis Ababa that took place in response to bombings on October 29. The Ethiopian trade mission in Hargeisa, Somaliland was hit by a suicide bomb attack that claimed at least four Ethiopian civilian lives. It was one of several near-simultaneous attacks in Hargeisa and the semi-autonomous region of Puntland in Somalia that killed at least 25 people, mainly Somali civilians. The attacks may have been carried out, though, by insurgents from Somalia, where the Ethiopian military has been engaged in support of the transitional government since December 2006.
Past arrests of ethnic Oromos have targeted people from all walks of life, including political figures, teenage students, teachers, and civil society activists. In November, the government pardoned and released 44 people convicted of crimes linked to the rebels who had been in prison for long terms. Some had originally been sentenced to life in prison or death.
As Human Rights Watch has documented, governance in Oromia has long been marked by widespread acts of intimidation, arbitrary arrest, torture and other serious human rights abuses targeting people who criticize the government. Many of those targeted for abuses have done nothing more than to criticize local officials or participate in student protests.
Police investigators have not charged any of the recent detainees with a criminal offense. Courts have ordered some detainees released after police failed to provide any legal basis to justify their detention. Five detainees were released in Addis Ababa along with others who were detained in Nekemte, Dembi Dollo and other parts of Oromia. But 53 remain in custody in Addis Ababa after police officials obtained a court order to allow them to keep the detainees in custody for two weeks while they gathered evidence against them. When the two-week deadline expired on November 24, the police returned to court empty-handed but obtained a one-week extension, until December 1, to find evidence that might substantiate criminal charges.
This pattern of prolonged detention without charge is routine practice in cases of Oromo Ethiopians arrested on accusations of terrorism or of supporting the rebels. Ethiopian courts often eventually reject police requests for continued detention and order those held to be released - but only after they have spent weeks or months in detention while police claim to look for evidence that could justify their being charged.
"Ethiopian judges deserve praise when they stand up to order the release of people detained without legal basis," Gagnon said. "But often this only happens after detainees have already been held without charge for punitive lengths of time."
Oromia is Ethiopia's largest and most populous region. Its regional government is controlled by the Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO), a member of the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).
The Oromo Liberation Front fought alongside the governing party in the struggle to overthrow the Derg dictatorship, but after the war the two organizations fell out with one another. The OLF was outlawed and its leadership driven from the country. It is now based in Asmara, Eritrea. Relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea have been poisonous since the two countries fought a bloody border war in 1998-1999 that claimed tens of thousands of lives. The border issue remains unresolved.

Saturday, November 22, 2008

Ethiopian newspapers seized with debate over federalism

Afrique en ligne
Actualités africaines: Economie Politique Finances Sports
Sunday Nov 23rd
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - The Ethiopian media trained its attention on the role of the opposition political parties this week, as debate on the effective of the country's federal political system moved to parliament.

Ethiopia's mainstream daily, the Ethiopian Herald, which typically prioritizes stories on the country's bilateral ties with the rest of the world, paid attention to a fresh debate on the effective of the country's federal system of government.

The debate was ignited by the visit of a Canadian expert on federalism, who elaborated on the need to have a federal structure of government capable of creating a strong central government, but with diverse political representation, including g a strong opposition.

Columnist Dejene Sakoume, while interrogating the federal system of government in his column in the Ethiopian Herald, said over the last 17 years, federal systems appeared to breed conflict between forces of politics and economics.

"On the one hand, because of the favorable and unfavorable conditions, the market moves masses of people from place to place on the one hand, on the other hand, we have a political projection where rights are defined in terms of places of origin," he wrote.
According to the Canadian federalism expert, Prof. Ronald Watts, whose lectures dominated the news pages for three consecutive days of the week, economic policies affect cultural policies and the cultural policies also affect economic policies.

"The two are intertwined. We have to learn that economic policies have to be shared. Some of it done by the federal government and some by the provincial government," he was quoted as telling the Ethiopian Herald.

The Canadian expert said the federal system of government has become more complex and complicated.

In the discussions, the Ethiopian journalists took the view that stronger political parties controlling the central government and making it impossible for the opposition to effectively participate in other chambers of parliament was "antith e sis by nature."

The issue of federalism has come under intense scrutiny in the recent past following the post-election conflict in Kenya.

The Ethiopian foreign ministry experts have in many ways presented the Ethiopian model of federalism and the antidote to such conflict.

In its weekly overview on the Ethiopian Herald, the state-owned daily, the foreign ministry made reference to a conference held in Egypt, where the regional security issues dominated debate, including Ethiopia's interest in Somalia.

Ethiopia's federal system of government also featured prominently in that debate with the Ethiopian experts attributing the peace and order in the East African nation to its federal nature of governance, which has ensured 'effective' regional representation.

Friday, November 21, 2008

Building bridges to solidarity for a new Ethiopia

Lessons from Minnesota:
By Obang Metho I November 21, 2008
Can Ethiopians come together in solidarity to build a bridge to a new Ethiopia or are we doomed to suffering, division and eternal failure? It all depends on how we build it was the consensus of the meeting held on November 16, 2008 at the University of Minnesota called by the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia and sponsored by some local Ethiopian organizations.
To get to the meeting, many had to drive across the newly constructed I-35 Bridge linking St. Paul with Minneapolis. This is the same bridge that collapsed in August of 2007, killing and injuring many Minnesotans traveling across the main bridge connecting the Twin Cities. The reports explaining the reasons for the collapse were just released this past week citing fundamental design problems in the structure that doomed it to failure from the beginning.
Now the new bridge is up, sooner than anyone expected, and engineers designing the new bridge made sure that those same flaws were not repeated. This seems like an obvious assumption, but if you apply the same thinking to the legacy of repressive governments in Ethiopia and Africa, one might come to the conclusion that we need new engineers.
Those engineers of a “new Ethiopia” came together for an “Ethiopian Dialogue”
Those engineers of a “new Ethiopia” came together for an “Ethiopian Dialogue” between diverse Ethiopians in Minnesota, with the purpose of helping to design a new model for Ethiopia that would be based on the principles of “humanity before ethnicity” and that “no one will be free until we all are free.” These are the principles espoused by the Solidarity Movement that we believe are foundational to building the kind of bridge that can hold up all of the diverse people of Ethiopia as they cross to a new Ethiopia.
There at the meeting, I could see the beginnings of that beautiful “garden of Ethiopia” of which I dream as Ethiopians from many various ethnic groups, regions, religions, political groups and of varied thinking—like separatists and unionists-- came together as individuals to see if they could form a shared vision for a better future. At first, people were guarded and suspicious of each other, but by the end of the meeting, people were shaking hands, introducing themselves, hugging each other and sharing ideas.
Controversial topics were not avoided and disagreements were straightforwardly discussed; yet, the respect and civility of those present towards each other’s views was the greatest success of the meeting! In fact, we discovered much in common. It was a great indication that Ethiopians can successfully come together to genuinely address the very real problems of Ethiopia. We will never build a better bridge unless we understand what went wrong and how to fix it.
Some of those attending volunteered to form a working team to continue building solidarity in Minnesota. It was emphasized that the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia was not a political group intending to run for political office, but a grassroots movement of the Ethiopian people to promote human rights, justice, freedom and good government for all people.
As one representative from the Ogaden stated, “Free-minded people must come together to create a free Ethiopia.” What this means in concrete terms is that to join the Solidarity Movement does not mean you must leave your differences or political views behind. For example, Ethiopians can remain supporters of Andinet, Ginbot7, OLF, SLF, ONLF, EPRP, Kinijit, ENUF, UEDF or none of the above because our goal is to create an atmosphere conducive to political organizations to run for office, God-willing, by the next election.
The meeting was opened up by Mr. Robsan Itana, the head of the Oromo American Citizen Council, who endorsed the concept of the Solidarity Movement as a means to join together over common issues and went on to name examples of the oppression directed against various groups of Ethiopians that could all be addressed more powerfully by one organization that could advocate on behalf of all.
The Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) is a newly formed grassroots movement whose mission is to mobilize Ethiopians in the Diaspora and within Ethiopia to unite in a coalition across ethnic, regional, political, cultural, and religious lines around principles of truth, justice, freedom, the protection of human rights, equality and civility in order to bring about a more open, free and reconciled society in Ethiopia where humanity comes before ethnicity and where the same rights, opportunities and privileges are available to all because no one will be free until all are free.
The second speaker, Miss Hodan, was from the Ogadeni community and spoke of her support for a grassroots movement for human rights and democracy which she described as flourishing when citizens are involved, where there is tolerance towards others and where there everyone is held accountable. She explained how Ogadenis had been free until colonial powers equipped Abyssinia who then committed crimes against the people of the Ogaden while the international community failed to take note.
The third speaker, Mr. Berhane Worku, explained that he was speaking as an individual and went on to tell his own personal story. He began by saying that Ethiopia’s problems could not be solved by any one group and told about his own ethnic background as being an example of the mixed backgrounds of many Ethiopians that blurs distinctions and confuses identity.
He said he was 3/8th’s Gurage, 2/8th’s Sidamo, 2/8th’s Oromo and 1/8th Amhara. He said that Ethiopians must fight together for a democratic culture rather than one based on blood and gore. While admitting he did not know the solutions, he affirmed the need to start with a dialogue and to join together across ethnic, political and religious lines in condemning the gross human rights crimes going on in the Ogaden right now.
What broke the bridge between Ethiopians in the first place and what we can do to bring about the “New Ethiopia”

I will also summarize my own comments that were focused on what broke the bridge between Ethiopians in the first place and what we can do to bring about the “New Ethiopia” that would include all Ethiopians.
First of all, I am not proposing a “united” Ethiopia for the mere purpose of uniting Ethiopians because that could mean uniting around Mengistu, uniting around Meles or uniting around some other yet to be named oppressive dictator. The kind of unity that calls one group “more Ethiopian” than another group is not the kind of unity that I would want. I would actively oppose it because it is based on principles that have kept Ethiopians oppressed, divided and dehumanized.
A united Ethiopia that calls people who look like me a “Baria” is not the kind of Ethiopia I want. An Ethiopia that marginalizes or oppresses you simply because you are considered 99.9% Ethiopian is not the kind of Ethiopia I want. I want to unite to create an Ethiopian where each of us is 100% Ethiopian! To do so, we must discard the flawed systems of the present and past.
A bridge to a new Ethiopia will not be built in the same way anymore than the I-35 bridge will be reconstructed with the same mistakes and flaws or we would simply be re-creating a system that is doomed from the start. None of the leaders of the past put “humanity before ethnicity,” even though they each promised a new “society,” for one simple reason—when you keep using the same old toxic chemicals, no wonder they produce the same toxic society that is poisoning us.
A true leader never puts ethnicity first, but always puts humanity first. Jesus never put his ethnicity first. He died for all humanity. Mohammed did not put ethnicity first and is the reason there are Muslims from many ethnicities.
Right now, there are reasons why some run away from the “old” Ethiopia for it has been an Ethiopia that has had no room for them. The “New Ethiopia” will only be accomplished if both separatists, unionists, and everyone else—including Tigrayans—are all involved at the grassroots in creating a nation where the people have a choice, where members respect and value each other regardless of skin color, education, culture, religion, political view or gender and where there is room at the table of Ethiopia for all Ethiopians.
As Hodan said, we must also look to our neighbors surrounding Ethiopia because all of us in the Horn of Africa need each other. In America, people worked to make it a place where differences were accepted, but also blended together to create something much stronger. It is a place now where people from all over the world run to—not away! As Berhane said, what we need are leaders who are humble and willing to work across ethnic, political and religious divides, not seeking to dominate like different groups have done in the past—something that even creates painful internal pressure on individual families, like his own, due to the diversity within one’s own heritage.

The mixed blood of Ethiopians is all one blood—the blood of humankind

Yet, the mixed blood of Ethiopians is all one blood—the blood of humankind. This is what went wrong with the old bridge—we could not see that the mixed up blood of Ethiopians was really all one blood—the blood of humankind. This is what will build the structural strength of a new bridge to a “New Ethiopia.” Our hut is burning and we are all in it and in jeopardy of dying. We must join together in not just saving our hut, but in breaking down the invisible fences that divide us!
When I ended the talk, I was impressed with the questions and discussion that followed. One of the first questions was how to accomplish the task, particularly now that a new administration will be coming into office. There was agreement that it must start by identifying a team that would go to Obama that would represent all of the varied cases and proposing a better alternative to what we now have that includes all Ethiopians.
In the past, one government official told me that five different Ethiopian groups had sought a meeting within the same week. This merely overwhelms such officials who are confused by what sometimes are contradictory and factional requests. Such a team was identified at the meeting as a high priority of the Solidarity Movement because if Ethiopians could come together with one common goal and voice, it will be something much easier for President-elect Obama to support and thereby, for Ethiopians to define their own destiny.
Others brought up the need for reconciliation in order to “break down the suspicion and animosity between us.” One man from a Tigrayan background decried the alienation between Tigray and other Ethiopians even though the same government was killing and detaining his brothers back in Ethiopia.
I personally was very glad that this question was presented and proud that this man had the courage of saying, “I am a Tigrayan and not part of this government,” because Tigrayans such as this are screaming in silence with no support, or worse, feeling animosity from their fellow Ethiopians.
We must join together to support a different kind of society. This is the beginning of reconciliation, one of the key components of this Solidarity Movement. It can start at the grassroots level at meetings such as this so that we can gain understanding and build relationships with real people with real stories.
As Ethiopians, we have a huge wound that needs healing where pain can and has been inflicted against each other. All Tigrayans cannot be put into one box and identified as Woyanne. In fact, “Woyanne-ism” can be attached to some people from every region and group within Ethiopia.
We have Woyane Anuak, Woyane Oromo, Woyane Ogadeni and you name it. In fact, as Berhane said, we must stand up and condemn the gross human rights crimes in the Ogaden, but it is a Woyane Ogadeni who is governor of the region. This is not about ethnicity, it is a struggle between those who choose to commit evi—who should be held accountable-- and those who stand up against evil.
On December 13, 2003, when the Anuak were being massacred, there were Tigrayan heroes and heroines of righteousness that protected the Anuak. These were the true brothers and sisters of the Anuak who were more protective of them than were Woyane Anuak.
“Our bridge to a “New Ethiopia”
In a “New Ethiopia,” there must be a separation of those who commit crimes from those who do not. It must be a system based on authentic justice against perpetrators, not against ethnicity or we will be the new “genocidalists” and the next “oppressors.” Our bridge will not lead to freedom but instead be a trap set to kill and capture new victims. I will never be part of such an Ethiopia. Any who choose this path will soon discover that those who perpetrate against the innocent will never be free, just like Meles is the most unfree of all people.
In the same light, an Anuak man expressed his concern regarding coming together if it simply meant another “experiment” that would result in the same kind of failure as in the last regimes.
These are real concerns that must be fully examined because groups like the Anuak and the Oromo initially supported the changes promised by the Meles regime, only to later be betrayed, repressed and targeted by them. Questions such as these create heightened responsibility and accountability of all involved to plan safeguards within the Solidarity Movement to better guarantee a check and balance system, especially for minority groups who most often have little voice.
At first, some people did not want the name of Ethiopia linked to this movement, but later understood that we cannot blame the name of Ethiopia nor the flag as they never killed or oppressed any people—it was the leaders who did so.
The issue that was most important was that people who lived within the geographical map of Ethiopia were suffering, had been killed, denied a voice, oppressed and were “unfree.” It was agreed that the goal of the movement was to bring justice, opportunity, and freedom for all so that the people could live together in harmony and that the name Ethiopia was secondary.

Our moral attitudes and actions must overflow to our neighbors as well in order to bring greater peace to the Horn,
Some from separatist groups endorsed the idea of coming together around the protection of human rights, but were not sure they would want to be part of an Ethiopia where they had never had any choice, dating back to when colonialists decided for them to include them as part of Ethiopia.
As we know, this is a government that has viewed its people as enemies. For example, Oromo can be targeted for only being Oromo as the government operates on the belief that if you scratch the skin of any Oromo man, you will see OLF.
One Ogadeni woman emotionally testified to the horrible atrocities going on in the Ogaden, citing examples of 80 and 90 year old women being raped by troops, of the burning down of crops and poisoning of water wells while the world watches. This is the same battalion that committed such crimes in Gambella and elsewhere in the country.
Another Ogadeni woman responded by saying that we need to come together around human rights, even if we eventually separate because we will be neighbors for freedom means not being afraid of others, particularly of those close by.
An Anuak man concluded by saying that he was Ethiopian geographically and that his people were oppressed. Because of this, he said just using the name of Ethiopia was not an important issue to him. He said that he is going to be part of uniting with other Ethiopians to solve this problem and then later on, when the fight for freedom is accomplished, people can decide on whether or not they still want independence from Ethiopia.
A number of others agreed with him that until the society was freed, they should work together to create a society where there would be self-determination. In such a society, they could actually then choose for themselves, even if it meant separating later or adopting a model like Canada has with Quebec.
Most everyone seemed to agree that freedom would never come to Ethiopia unless we all joined together in this struggle. Success will be measured by whether Ethiopians and Ethiopian leaders can put humanity before ethnicity and uphold the freedom of all people.
These attitudes and actions must overflow to our neighbors as well in order to bring greater peace to the Horn, but it all starts by uniting around these principles. Our bridge to a “New Ethiopia” will not be possible if we do not revamp the design from the flawed and doomed models of the past; otherwise, we will repeat our mistakes and the people will suffer.
What took place in this room was proof that it can also be done in Ethiopia.

After the meeting, some told me that they or others had been worried about mixing people with different viewpoints and with a history of alienation towards each other, especially if the discussion became very heated and people started walking out—like mixing oil and water together—but that did not happen.
People were able to talk civilly about subjects that had been taboo before and arrive at some consensus. One Tigrayan man referred to a leader from the Oromo community saying that had they met in public, he would not have greeted him, but now they will be working together.
What took place in this room was proof that it can also be done in Ethiopia. The healing process was started. The man who spoke of his multi-ethnic heritage called for a team to carry on the work to make sure that it did not stop after the meeting ended. People committed themselves and as it turned out, they represented diverse groups.

The feedback I am receiving is that what was feared, turned out to be a beautiful thing, but now, the concepts must be repeated so that other Ethiopians in other cities can witness for themselves how Ethiopians can come together. The volunteer committee is now planning to reach out in their respective communities so as to build on what has begun.
In closing, I shared some personal experiences and convictions. The one I will end with here is the confidence I have that despite the enormous challenges that lie ahead, I am convinced that nothing is impossible if we fear God, if we show love and respect to each other and if we work together in solidarity for a new and more humane Ethiopia. Please pass this on and challenge others to join in this movement to free and transform Ethiopia.
May God guide, enable and empower us, giving us soft hearts towards each other and strong hearts for truth and justice as we carry out this task that is beyond our ability and resources to accomplish without God’s divine help.


======================================================

For more information please contact me:

Obang Metho,

Executive Member of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia
E-mail: Obang@anuakjustice.org

Wednesday, October 29, 2008

POLITICS-ETHIOPIA: A Career In Dissent










Michael Chebsi

Mideksa -- "The values that guide me are truth and fairness"

ADDIS ABABA, Oct 29 (IPS) - Frozen in disbelief on the steps of the courthouse where she presided as a federal judge, Bertukan Mideksa watched as a man she had just ordered released on bail was detained by plain-clothes police with no warrant and no apparent regard for the law.

That was in 2001. She next saw that man when she became a fellow inmate at Kaliti Federal Prison in 2004, charged with crimes serious enough to have her imprisoned for life: treason, outrage against the constitution, inciting, organising or leading armed rebellion, obstruction of the exercise of constitutional powers, impairing the defensive power of the state and attempted genocide.

She claims her only true transgression was dissent.

"I couldn't stand the lack of human dignity," said Mideksa, seated behind her desk at her poorly furnished office in central Addis Ababa.

Mideksa is unique among Ethiopia's politicians. At 34 years old, she is exceptionally young; she was still in high school when rebels toppled the country's brutal military regime in 1991. And she is a woman, the first ever to head a political party in this notoriously patriarchal country.

Fewer than 22 percent of the country's 547 lawmakers are women. The only female cabinet member -- predictably -- is in charge of women's affairs. Mideksa became the exception to the rule in September, when she was elected to head Ethiopia's newest political party, the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party. She has since become the leading spokesperson for the opposition.

At a press conference on Oct. 10, Mideksa, flanked by her fellow party leaders, announced her party's plan to open 117 regional offices in a bid to mobilise the public across the country. Her party has also joined a forum of other opposition parties to forge a joint platform ahead of the 2010 elections, where the coalition hopes it will fare better than in the past.

In November 2004, leaders of two long-standing opposition groups and two newly-formed political parties formed an electoral coalition. The strategy helped the opposition to win significant gains in the parliament, but fell short of a majority.

Pointing to reports by international observers of irregularities at the polls, the opposition claimed that there were significant instances of expulsion and harassment of poll workers, incidents of intimidation, multiple voting and ballot stuffing.

The political conflict turned into violent clashes on the streets, and when some of the coalition members refused to assume their elected posts, the coalition fractured acrimoniously.

The newly-constituted administration of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi detained over 100 leaders of the opposition and jailed tens of thousands of their supporters in the ensuing crackdown. Mideksa, then vice president of the coalition, was among the detainees. She was convicted on July 16, 2007 by the Federal High Court.

Mideksa and 34 others were sentenced to life imprisonment while three others were handed jail sentences that range 18 months to 18 years. The same day, they appealed for amnesty, which was later accepted by the pardon board and endorsed by President Girma W. Giorgis.

"It was the greatest challenge of my life," Mideksa told IPS. "It's strengthened me though."

Mideksa was not discouraged by the experience. She cites as one of her inspirations the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, who is leader of the National League for Democracy in Burma (Myanmar). "I marvel at her courage and determination," she says.
Her party, however, will need more than mere determination to prevail.
In the April local elections, the Ethiopia People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) scored an overwhelming victory, with pro-government candidates outnumbering opposition candidates by 500 to 1. Irregularities in voter registration and difficulties in the result and complaints processes combined to reduce the legitimacy of the election. Recent legislation affecting political parties, the press and civil societies threatens to narrow the political space even more.
Mideksa believes she can help broaden the political space through a series of public dialogues with the media. Her party has also announced that it has allocated close to 750,000 dollars to mobilise supporters from the four corners of the country in the run-up to the election.
But observers doubt that Mideksa has the leadership skills to bring together the fractious opposition.
Born in Addis Ababa in 1974, Mideksa went to public schools for her primary and secondary educations. She joined the law school at Addis Ababa University, and graduated with an LLB degree in 1996.
Prior to her entry into politics, she served as a Judge at the Federal First Instance Court for close to seven years, before she resigned, claiming that there is government interference in the judiciary.
"The values that guide me are truth and fairness," she says.
She first entered politics running as an independent parliamentary candidate back in 2000. Neither her friends nor her mother supported the decision, warning her against the dangers of politics. After eight years, however, she is content with her decision.
"It is a great success for me personally," says Mideksa, adding with a shrug and a smile, "and I guess for Ethiopian women too."

Friday, October 3, 2008

'Famished' Canadian held in Ethiopia


Terrorism Charges; Human Rights Watch urges Ottawa action
Stewart Bell, National Post

A Canadian awaiting trial on terrorism-related charges in Ethiopia was described as injured and malnourished in a human rights report released yesterday.

Human Rights Watch said it had interviewed a former detainee who saw former Toronto resident Bashir Makhtal in a prison in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa.

"He was limping. He had a deep cut in one of his legs. He looked weak. He looked so famished," the report quoted the unidentified witness as saying during an interview conducted at a refugee camp.

The report did not directly accuse Ethiopia of mistreating Mr. Makhtal but it did say that detainees like him have been subjected to "brutal beatings and torture." It also quoted a man who was detained with Mr. Makhtal as saying that Ethiopian interrogators had repeatedly asked, "Are you al-Qaeda" and beaten him when he said no.
He was arrested in December, 2006, as he was crossing from Somalia into Kenya. He was secretly flown to Mogadishu, Somalia, where he was handed over to Ethiopian officials who brought him to Addis Ababa.

At the time, Islamist militants in Somali were fleeing toward Kenya to escape U. S.-backed Ethiopian and Somali troops. The Canadian government has claimed that some of the Islamists fighting in Somalia were actually Canadians.

Mr. Makhtal immigrated to Toronto from Ethiopia and is the grandson of the founder of the Ogaden National Liberation Front, an Ethiopian guerrilla group, but his family says he was only selling used clothing in Somalia.

The New York-based human rights group yesterday released a report, titled "Why Am I Still Here?" that named Mr. Makhtal as one of 10 who were sent to Ethiopia as part of a rendition program and who remain in detention there.

The report said several of the men were interrogated by American officials in the Ethiopian capital soon after they were transferred there from Kenya and Somalia. Others remain unaccounted for, it said.

Mr. Makhtal was placed in solitary confinement, the report said. He could face the death penalty if convicted at his upcoming military trial.

Canadian officials visited Mr. Makhtal in July, 2008. Ethiopia has assured Canada he will have a lawyer at his trial.

The report called on the Canadian government to ask Ethiopia either to prosecute Mr. Makhtal in a civilian court that meets international standards or release him and return him to Canada. The Department of Foreign Affairs had no comment yesterday.
sbell@nationalpost.com

Wednesday, October 1, 2008

Ethiopia/Kenya: Account for Missing Rendition Victims


Secret Detainees Interrogated by US Officials Are Still in Custody
(Washington, DC, October 1, 2008) – At least 10 victims of the 2007 Horn of Africa rendition program still languish in Ethiopian jails and the whereabouts of several others is unknown, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. Several of the detained men were interrogated by US officials in Addis Ababa soon after they were secretly transferred from Kenya to Somalia, and then to Ethiopia in early 2007.
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"Why Am I Still Here?": The 2007 Horn of Africa Renditions and the Fate of Those Still Missing
Report, October 1, 2008

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The 54-page report, “‘Why Am I Still Here?’: The Horn of Africa Renditions and the Fate of the Missing,” examines the 2007 rendition operation, during which at least 90 men, women, and children fleeing the armed conflict in Somalia were unlawfully rendered from Kenya to Somalia, and then on to Ethiopia. The report documents the treatment of several men still in Ethiopian custody, as well as the previously unreported experiences of recently released detainees, several of whom described being brutally tortured.

“The dozens of people caught up in the secret Horn of Africa renditions in 2007 have suffered in silence too long,” said Jennifer Daskal, senior counterterrorism counsel at Human Rights Watch and author of the report. “Those governments involved – Ethiopia, Kenya and the US – need to reverse course, renounce unlawful renditions, and account for the missing.”

In late 2006, the Bush administration backed an Ethiopian military offensive that ousted the Islamist authorities from the Somali capital Mogadishu. The fighting caused thousands to flee across the border into Kenya, including some who were suspected of terrorist links.

Kenyan authorities arrested at least 150 men, women, and children from more than 18 countries – including the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada – in operations near the Somali border and held them for weeks without charge in Nairobi. In January and February 2007, the Kenyan government then rendered dozens of them – with no notice to families, lawyers or the detainees themselves – on flights to Somalia, where they were handed over to the Ethiopian military. Ethiopian forces also arrested an unknown number of people in Somalia.

Those rendered were later transported to detention centers in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa and other Ethiopian towns, where they effectively disappeared. Denied access to their embassies, their families, and international humanitarian organizations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, the detainees were even denied phone calls home. Several have said that they were housed in solitary cells, some as small as two meters by two meters, with their hands cuffed in painful positions behind their backs and their feet bound together.

A number of prisoners were questioned by US Central Intelligence Agency and Federal Bureau of Investigation agents in Addis Ababa. From February to May 2007, Ethiopian security officers daily transported detainees – including several pregnant women – to a villa where US officials interrogated them about suspected terrorist links. At night, the Ethiopian officers returned the detainees to their cells.

“The United States says that they were investigating past and current threats of terrorism,” Daskal said. “But the repeated interrogation of rendition victims who were being held incommunicado makes Washington complicit in the abuse.”

For the most part, detainees were sent home soon after their interrogation by US agents ended. Of those known to have been interrogated by US officials, just eight Kenyans remain. (A ninth Kenyan in Addis Ababa was rendered to Ethiopia in July/August 2007, after US interrogations reportedly stopped.) These men, who have not been subjected to any interrogation since May 2007, would likely have been repatriated long ago but for the Kenyan government’s longstanding refusal to acknowledge their claims to Kenyan citizenship or to take steps to secure their release.

Human Rights Watch recently spoke by telephone to several of the Kenyans in detention in Ethiopia, many of whom complained of physical ailments and begged for someone to help get them home. Although Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga made a campaign pledge to help repatriate these detainees, little progress has been made to date. In mid-August 2008, Kenyan authorities visited these men for the first time. The officials reportedly told the detainees they would be home within a few weeks, but more than a month and a half has now passed.

“The previous Kenyan government deported its own citizens and then left them to rot in Ethiopian jails,” Daskal said. “The new Kenyan government should reverse course, bring these men home, and show that it is not following the same shameful path as the old.”

The Ethiopian government also used the rendition program for its own purposes. For years, the Ethiopian military has been trying to quell domestic Ogadeni and Oromo insurgencies that receive support from neighboring countries, such as Ethiopia’s archrival, Eritrea. The Ethiopian intervention in Somalia and the multinational rendition program provided them a convenient means to gain custody over people whom they could interrogate for suspected insurgent links. Once these individuals were in detention, Ethiopian military interrogators and guards reportedly subjected them to brutal beatings and torture.

Detainees said Ethiopian interrogators pulled out their toenails, held loaded guns to their heads, crushed their genitals, and forced them to crawl on their elbows and knees through gravel. Several reported being beaten to the point of unconsciousness.

The Human Rights Watch report calls upon the Ethiopian government to immediately release the rendition victims still in its custody or prosecute them in a court that meets basic fair trial standards. It also urges the Kenyan government to take immediate steps to secure the repatriation of Kenyan nationals still in Ethiopian custody, and the US government to withhold counterterrorism assistance from both governments until they provide a full accounting of all the missing detainees.

Thursday, September 25, 2008

The Marxist roots of Ethiopia's suffering


Geoffrey Clarfield, National Post Published: Thursday, September 25, 2008
Once again, the twin spectres of drought and starvation stalk the land of Ethiopia. UN sources suggest that four million Ethiopians now need what they call "emergency assistance," while another eight million need what is more vaguely described as "food relief."

Already, thousands of people are dying. The first to expire are the very young and the very old. In some areas of the country, people are dying of starvation and malnutrition while their goats and sheep get fat eating crops that will not be harvested until late September.

Few saw this coming. Two years ago, Ethiopian officials boasted that food surpluses would allow their country to sell corn to neighbouring Sudan. The government has been investing more than a sixth of its budget in agricultural development, far above the average in other African countries. Child mortality has been reduced by 40%, and the agricultural sector has been growing by 10% annually over the last few years.

But in this part of the world, as Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has said, "one unexpected weather event can push us over the precipice." Only 1% of Ethiopia is irrigated, meaning that a lack of rainfall can produce catastrophic results for the five-out-of-six Ethiopians who eke out a living through subsistence agriculture.

Famine-relief food distribution is never a straightforward affair in an African country. Those (mostly southern) regions where voters did not support the regime in recent elections typically complain that they are cheated of food aid at the expense of more "loyal' parts of the country in the north.

Inter-regional friction is no stranger to Ethiopia. Five hundred years ago, Cushitic-speaking Muslim tribesmen from the desert plains of (what is now) southeastern Ethiopia and the borderlands of Somalia declared a jihad and attacked the Semitic-speaking Christian highland kingdoms whose emperors claimed descent from Solomon and Sheba. With the timely help of Portuguese musketeers under the leadership of the son of Vasco da Gama, the southerners were repelled. The next 400 years of Ethiopian history led to a gradual domination and conquest of these southern tribes, who were vanquished once and for all by the last Emperor of Ethiopia, Hailie Selassie.

Selassie himself was overthrown by a group of Marxist revolutionaries, who plunged Ethiopia into a brutal civil war. Then came the famous drought of 1984, which brought us We Are the World.

One of the reasons so many people starved in Ethiopia during that time was that the ruling regime would not let food from food-rich areas go to food-poor areas -- because the latter were dominated by opponents of the government. Nor would they allow people to migrate from food-poor to food-rich districts. "Starve or submit" became the watchword of this new regime.

Wednesday, August 27, 2008

Ethiopians, Speak Out for Your Fellow Ethiopians! No One is Free until We All are Free!

August 27, 2008
Ethnically-based killing has now erupted in the city of Hagere-Mariam, first starting in the small town of Soyama, sixty kilometers to the west of Hagere-Mariam in the Sidamo region of Ethiopia. Reports I am receiving from people on the ground indicate that the Burji, a tiny ethnic group in the region numbering less than 50,000, are being targeted by some Guji, a much larger ethnic group, numbering over two million, who also live in the area. The local administration in Hagere-Mariam is run by the ethnic Guji.
Despite the vulnerability of the Burji, many are asking questions about the Meles government’s possible role in condoning the violence as they have done little to intervene in the face of increasing tensions and threats. According to the reports from witnesses in the area, some Guji are threatening to murder any Burji they find, even warning those from other ethnic groups to place signs or symbols designating them to be of “non-Burji ethnicity” in front of their homes so that they will not be mistaken for a Burji and be killed. Does this remind you of Rwanda?
These two ethnic groups have fought in the past, since the time of Haile Selassie, but reportedly, the Guji are being unfairly favored and empowered by the Meles government who have given them administrative authority in Hagere-Mariam, the main commercial center in the region. As part of this preferential treatment, it is alleged that the Guji have been able to take the offensive against the Burji with impunity. Many also suspect that the TPLF government has equipped the Guji with the sophisticated weapons they are using against the Burji. For instance, on August 25, 2008, a grenade was thrown on a house in Hagere-Mariam by the Guji. There were about 30 people in the building, including women and children who took refuge there for fear of violence. The bomb exploded on the roof of the building and did not penetrate, thereby sparing the lives of those victims!
According to some Burji, the conflict has its roots in the Guji’s desire to claim the town of Soyama, known for its fertile land, as their capital. Currently, the town’s inhabitants are almost exclusively Burji and they have been “told” to leave Soyama for the small town of their same name—Burji.
The attacks allegedly began at 6:00 AM on August 10, 2008 when 60 truckloads of well-armed Guji, with alledgedly sophisticated weapons, attacked the Burji of Soyama. However, apparently the Burji had received advance word of the imminent attack and despite their fewer numbers and weapons, were prepared and successfully held them off. During the fighting, it was reported that three Burji and five Guji were killed. When these Guji attackers returned to the very ethnically-mixed city of Hagere-Mariam, home to 200,000 people, they began their death-threats towards Burji living in the city. It is now clear to those on the ground that this campaign of ethnic cleansing is being conducted with the tacit support of the local administrators and security officials in Hagere-Mariam!
After the Burji appealed to the local government for help, instead of the government taking a powerful approach, controlling or disarming the perpetrators and becoming a fair and impartial referee between the two groups, they have essentially aligned with the Guji.
They have failed to hold the perpetrators accountable and have instead “escorted’ Burji men, women and children from their homes, land, property, cattle and crops as they hurriedly leave everything behind to run for their lives. As they seek safety, they are sure to encounter the overwhelming costs of being internally displaced refugees— deprivation, disease, hardship and some deaths because of these things.
Fortunately, due to the efforts of some, the news got out to the German Ethiopian radio station who reported on the conflict along with condemning the government for its lack of constructive intervention. The situation calmed down for a short while, but the Burji’s fears of further violence continue to drive them from their homes.
This past Friday, Burji elders went to Addis Ababa to hand-deliver a letter, a copy of which we have in our possession, to Meles describing the seriousness of the situation and asking for immediate intervention. They were road-blocked. Officials from the Prime Minister’s office reportedly told them that hand-delivered letters would not be accepted due to security concerns. Instead, they were instructed to mail the letter which they did, but they received no response.
The Burji elders then went to the office of the Ethiopian Minister of Justice and hand-delivered the letter there indicating that they had not heard any response from the Prime Minster’s office. The letter was read by some of the Minister’s staff who responded by referring them back to the office of the Prime Minister. After again going to the Prime Minister’s office, they were told that their office staff would look into it. They have not heard anything since.
In the meantime, people in Hagere-Mariam report there are simmering tensions with many fearing that the issue could explode at any moment. Some Guji continue to tell non-Burji to put up identifying symbols in front of their homes to avoid imminent violence, yet the government’s lack of response is fueling the fire.
This is not the first time some of the Guji have attacked another ethnic group in the region with the appearance of Woyane support and Woyane immunity. In 2006, similar attacks were perpetrated by some of the Guji against the Borena.
Ken Silverstein of the Harper online magazine, reports about this situation in his August 2, 2006 article named, “Ethiopian Generals and Somali Warlords.” In it he gives reasons to believe that the Meles government is backing Guji attacks against the Borena. He states:
There's also trouble in Southern Oromiya Province, where violence broke out this spring between the Guji and Borena clans. When the Ethiopian government, keen to secure access to the potential income stream from a gold mine in the Borena Zone, put the mine under the control of the Guji, a group it has historically favored in the region, fighting ensued, and the government aided the Guji. Sources in the region said that the violence continues and that the province is now in the throes of a major humanitarian crisis. More than 100,000 people are reported to have fled their homes.
One Ethiopian reported to me about an article documenting the history of the TPLF government’s failure to act on previous aggressive actions by some Guji towards other small ethnic groups in the area where some, not all, Guji took control of towns after driving out some of these smaller groups—such as the Gedeo, the Gabra, the Borena and the Amaro—from their homes.
He states, “Unfortunately, as the article points out, for the past misdeeds, particularly with the Gedeo situation as you can read, they plundered unimpeded and the Federal government took no action to correct the injustice that was dealt to Gedeo people.”
He goes on to conclude that unless these aggressive actions of EPDRF- favored groups against more vulnerable groups are “brought to light and publicized to the whole world, thereby pressuring the Federal government to take decisive action, we are at the precipice of an impending blood bath.”
This has been the pattern of the EPDRF government—to divide groups based on ethnic lines, favoring one over the other and sometimes, like in the case this time, where they have sided with the majority group. This is who they are. The divide and conquer, apartheid-style policies, are the way the TPLF have been known to operate since they came to power in 1991.
It is like what happened between the Anuak and other ethnic groups in the Gambella area. It is also similar to what happened between Muslims and Christians a year ago in the Jimma area when TPLF sympathizers attacked either the Christians or the Muslims in the name of the other in order to foment conflict and to set the rationale for the invasion of Somalia. Recently, it happened between some Oromo and some from the Gumuz ethnic group. Many other examples exist and the reader may know of others less well-known.
We need to persuade groups like the Guji that they are being used and that the same snake that is coaxing them to believe they can get away with such aggression is the same snake that will turn around and strike them when they least expect it. They cannot flourish in such an Ethiopia. Those of us who can see through this manipulative and deadly game, must speak out to tell Ethiopians what is going on so they are not tempted to become a survival tool for the TPLF. It is now time for every Ethiopian to speak out against the sabotage of our own society.
No one group will be free until we are all free. All Ethiopians must speak for each other, not only for our own ethnic group but for our people everywhere. When their human rights are violated, ours are violated. When something is going on in your local areas, it is up to those in the area to speak up. If you are unable to speak out within Ethiopia, call those in the Diaspora with your carefully documented information, just like the people who called me at 4:00 AM direct from Hagere-Mariam in Ethiopia. Ethiopians must become aware that we will all benefit from establishing a strong multi-ethnic, Pan-Ethiopian institution that can speak for everyone.
I call on any Ethiopians in a position to stop this cycle of murder, suffering and misery to confront the precursors to those crimes—hatred, greed, the desire for revenge and the dehumanization of other Ethiopians. In order to vaccinate a nation against the TPLF virus of destruction which is spread from person to person, ethnic group to ethnic group and nation to nation, we must step out of this life-consuming cycle into a society known to revere life and liberty.
Woyane know how to play “favorites” with people in various ethnic groups, getting them to do their dirty deeds against fellow Ethiopians. It may seem like you can get away with it, but no one can commit such crimes without paying the penalty in their souls. Our children, families, communities and our society may suffer and judge us for our wrongful actions at this critical time in our history or if we rise up with new passion for what is right, we will most certainly leave a legacy of blessing to our descendents.
This does not mean that there are not numerous reasons for legitimate complaints against the others, but murder, destruction and robbery will never bring peace or resolution to the problems between people so that we can move on.
Right now, the Burji are feeling very alone as they face this crisis—the same as many other groups that when targeted with violence, find no protection from their own government. Let us come together in solidarity to speak out for them. We need the concerted effort of many to make a difference and that effort should be well-organized in anticipation of such crises as the Burji are now facing.
I have personally contacted some human rights organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch and will send this press release out to the over 4000 people on my email list, but this is not enough.
In order to exert the most power and influence, we need a strong Pan-Ethiopian institution that can speak out against such violence and injustice towards any Ethiopians in our multi-ethnic society and one that also promotes tolerance between diverse ethnic and religious groups. EHRCO and others within Ethiopia have been attempting to do this despite the repression of such messages and message-givers in Ethiopia; however, after the killing of the protestors of the 2005 failed election, Ethiopians reacted by rallying throughout the world. Unfortunately, since that time, many Ethiopian groups have lost their voice and moral and political will to stand up in behalf of others.
For our voice to resound through the international community, it is time that the Ethiopians in the Diaspora rise up together in a planful and organized effort. The meeting of representatives from civic organizations that will take place this weekend in Washington D.C. is an effort to organize such an institution. We hope many will join this Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia!
May God help us to bring justice and peace to our beloved country.

____________________________________________________________

If there is a NGO or group interested in further pursuing this, please contact us for more information.

Mr. Obang Metho,
Director of International Advocacy
Anuak Justice Council
E-mail: Obang@anuakjustice.org

Thursday, August 21, 2008

CIVICUS: Criminalizing Ethiopia’s civil society

21 August 2008 – Under a draft law, Ethiopia could see severe restrictions on civil society and even closures of organisations working on contentious issues, such as human rights and governance, cautions CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation in a recent analysis.
“We appeal to the government to stop the introduction of the bill in its current form. If enacted, many organisations will be forced to choose between stopping their work on vital issues or facing closure and possible imprisonment,” said Ingrid Srinath, CIVICUS Secretary General.
The government has released three consecutive drafts of the Charities and Societies Proclamation over the last few months. While the recent draft, due to be introduced to Parliament in October, makes some improvement on the last two, it retains many draconian provisions.
The government has stated that the intention of the bill is to increase civil society organisations’ (CSOs) transparency and accountability to stakeholders, but local and international groups have expressed concern that it will instead serve to silence dissent.
CIVICUS’ report lists a number of concerns regarding the law, including:

· The Proclamation prevents CSOs that receive more than 10% of their income from foreign sources from working on issues of public importance, including human rights, gender and religious equality, children’s rights, the rights of the disabled, conflict resolution and judicial reform. Given the lack of domestic fundraising opportunities, most organisations rely on funds from abroad.

· The Proclamation permits excessive government interference in the functioning of CSOs, through the power to carry out random investigations at will. Among other requirements, CSOs must provide the government with seven days notice of any general meeting.

· By creating a web of exhaustive reporting procedures, the Proclamation gives the government a convenient way to intimidate CSOs. Mandatory annual reporting, requirements to keep meticulous financial records as well as re-registration every three years, leaves ample room for possible procedural delays and intimidation by the authorities.

· Once a CSO is denied registration, or fails to apply, the organisation is then declared unlawful. If members and supporters continue their involvement with the CSO, they risk severe punishments, including three to fifteen years in prison. According to international standards, the decision to officially register should be voluntary not imposed by the government. Such harsh repercussions for breaching the provisions of the law could deter the free participation of individuals in civil society activities.

· CSOs have limited rights to appeal against decisions taken under the Proclamation. For example, if a CSO is denied registration, it will not be able to ask for a judicial review of the facts on which the government has based its assessment. Aside from amounting to a denial of justice, it could also allow authorities to arbitrarily silence independent groups and individuals.
If the current draft of the Proclamation is passed, the already narrow space for civil society in Ethiopia could be even further restricted. In recent years, political opposition, media and civil society activists have been systematically harassed and even imprisoned because of their criticism of the government.
“The government must listen to the concerns of the country’s civil society. Their activities contribute immensely to the people of Ethiopia. But, sadly, rather than promote this vital work, this bill threatens to criminalize it,” says Srinath.
The Proclamation, if permitted to pass, would violate Ethiopia’s commitments to international and regional human rights agreements, as well as its own constitution. Article 31 of the Constitution specifically guarantees, “Every person has the right to freedom of association for any cause or purpose”.
An analysis of the Proclamation is available at: http://www.civicus.org/csw_files/AnalysisEthiopiaCharitiesProc140808.pdf

Mr. Obang Metho Speaks at St. Mark's Anglican Church, in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan

August 20, 2008
My Journey of Faith
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“I will read from Psalm 2 in the Bible—the passage that changed my life:

Why do the nations conspire and the peoples plot in vain? The kings of the earth take their stand against the LORD and against his Anointed One. “Let us break their chains, they say, “and throw off their fetters.”

The One enthroned in heaven laughs; the Lord scoffs at them. Then he rebukes them in his anger and terrifies them in his wrath, saying, “I have installed my King on Zion, my holy hill. I will proclaim the decree of the LORD:

Ask of me, and I will make the nations your inheritance, the ends of the earth your possession. You will rule them with an iron scepter; you will dash them to pieces like pottery.”

Therefore, you kings, be wise; be warned, you rulers of the earth. Serve the LORD with fear and rejoice with trembling.

Kiss the Son, lest he be angry and you be destroyed in your way, for his wrath can flare up in a moment. Blessed are all who take refuge in him.

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Can anyone think they can get away with evil without being accountable? Do the powerful really think they can commit crimes against the weak and overpower the rule of law set in place not by man, but by God—the creator of the entire universe, including them?

This scripture warns all, but especially the most powerful in the world, that God is in charge—human beings are not—no matter how hard they try to “break the chains” of God’s law and justice, He will prevail and we best submit to His authority. This will be the topic of my talk today as it was the scripture that unexpectedly thrust me into the work of human rights as a “calling” rather than as a job.

I want to thank Pastor Karen Sandell, this congregation and my good friend, Clay and his wife Cheryl for inviting me to speak today. It is an honor and a privilege to be here. I am not a pastor, like my older brother, but yet it is not the first time I have been asked to speak in a church.

I could never have imagined it before a life-changing event in December of 2003 threw my quiet life in Saskatoon into a journey with deep valleys, deserts and mountains that I could never have anticipated. As I stand before you today, I am witness to the truth that God dramatically changes lives, like my own, when we least expect it!

I was asked to talk about my human rights work
Today, I was asked to talk about my human rights work, something that is closely connected, nurtured and sustained by my faith in Jesus Christ. I did not know that this work was part of God’s plan and purpose for me, but now as I look back, I see that God’s hand of preparation began many years ago when I was a young child in Africa. I am from Gambella, Ethiopia, from a tiny, marginalized ethnic group called Anuak. Gambella is in the southwestern region of Ethiopia and Anuakland extends over the border into southern Sudan.

I was nearly 18 years of age when I migrated to Canada where I attended high school after which I then went on to attend the University of Saskatchewan. Saskatoon is my home, even though I will always have one foot in Africa for I have never forgotten where I have come from. Much of Africa is a poor place with no access to clean water, education, health care and other opportunities we enjoy here in Canada. Much of the reason I wanted to come here was for something that is desired by most every African—an education.

I had a very happy childhood. We were in such a remote area, that we almost exclusively, were only around other Anuak. I never remember witnessing or experiencing discrimination or being told that I was less than someone else based on superficial distinctions. It was only at an older age when I was exposed to discrimination against darker-skinned people, like myself, in Sudan and in other parts of Ethiopia. However, it had little effect on my identity because I already had a strong foundation. I can thank my parents, my grandmother, my community and the teachings of my ethnic group who viewed everyone as equal.

The word “Nyuak” means sharing and the word “Anuak” means the people who share together, eat together and laugh together. This was lived out in our daily life. No one was supposed to go hungry or be ashamed for not having enough food to eat so the food would be in one container and all were welcome to eat. The women would sit together and the men would do the same.

We kids could eat at anyone’s home. During suppertime, this meant that we would eat a little bit at different homes, so we always carried our spoons with us. Many relatives lived close by—our cousins, aunts, grandmas and grandpas—all enriching our lives in different ways. When outsiders came, they were heartily welcomed. It was our culture and it was a treasure in my life to be raised in this way.

The Anuak are considered an endangered people group
Just a short aside—although the Anuak are considered an endangered people group, different Anuak families have migrated within Africa and still maintain the same language and similar cultural values.

These families are called the Lou people (also spelled Lwo/Luo). The Lou are a family of linguistically affiliated ethnic groups who live in an area that stretches from the Gambella region in south western Ethiopia, the southern Sudan, through northern Uganda and eastern Congo (DRC), into western Kenya, and ending in the upper tip of Tanzania. People who speak Luo languages include the Shilluk, Anuak, Acholi, Lango, Palwo, Alur, Padhola, Joluo (Kenyan Luo), Bor, and Kumam. Many of them have names that start with O—like Obang, Odenga, Omot, Obama, Oboya, Ochan, Okello, Ojulu and so forth.

Because of my protected background, when I grew up and went to the larger cities, I discovered a different world than the village of sharing. I found the world of the individual—of “me alone.” I also found the world of money, guns, power, greed, hatred and tribalism. I don’t mean we had no conflicts in our village, but our elders would help deal with them peacefully. They would tell us that God created us and that we have a purpose. We were to share what we had because God shared it with each of us and because we did not get on our own.
However, when I finally got to Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, I saw that there were all sorts of distinctions between people that affected how one was treated, like dark-skinned vs light-skinned, having money vs not having money, having an education vs not having an education, having power vs not having power, holding a gun vs not holding a gun—all creating a new class structure that collided with my world as I had known it.

I saw people with money buying good things to eat, but not sharing it with anyone else. I could smell the good food, but never got to taste it. This is when I first heard about slavery, how even Africans, Westerners and Arabs in past years would sell other people as commodities rather than considering them human beings. It was in response to my disillusionment with this new and bigger world that caused me to start asking why God allowed these things to happen to people and I started to doubt God.

I already had seen the agony and suffering of the Sudanese refugees who came through Anuakland in huge numbers. I saw the displacement of many thousands of people into the Gambella area during the Ethiopian drought of 1984 and the death it brought with it. I witnessed the guns being used for power and intimidation. I saw the evil actions of men and the lack of action by others. It began my period of questioning.
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Friday, August 15, 2008

TIRUNESH DIBABA WINS OLYMPIC GOLD MEDAL

Ethiopia’s Tirunesh Dibaba produced her trademark electric last lap to win the women’s 10,000 metres gold medal at the Olympics on Friday.
Dibaba set a new Olympic record time of 29 minutes 54.66 seconds in perfect conditions at a packed National Stadium, setting herself well on the way for a 5000 and 10,000m double in Beijing.
The reigning double world 10,000m champion had been happy to follow the race leaders for all but one of the 25 laps.
But as soon as the bell for the final lap sounded, Dibaba opened up and pulled away with ease from silver medalist Elvan Abeylegesse, the Ethiopian-born runner representing Turkey.
American Shalane Flanagan won a shock bronze medal in 30:22.22.
Kenyan-born Dutchwoman Lornah Kiplagat led through the first 17 laps, with Kenyan duo Lucy Wangui and Linet Chepkwemoi Masai, Ethiopian Mestawet Tufa, Abeylegesse and Dibaba happy to sit on her shoulder.
As the main pack fell to seven with eight laps to go, Abeylegesse kicked past Kiplagat and upped the speed.

Her move had the desired effect as runners drastically fell off the pace, and with six laps to go, the race became a straight duel between Abeylegesse and Dibaba.
As the bell went, Dibaba stretched her legs and by 100 metres had built up a comfortable lead on her former compatriot.

Thursday, August 14, 2008

Somali soldiers kill 20 Ethiopians

Around 20 Ethiopian soldiers have been killed by their fellow servicemen in the Somali military in the southern district of El Warego.

The region was a scene of heavy fighting between Ethiopian soldiers and Somali troops, Press TV correspondent reported.

The El Warego district is near the town of EL Merka, 100km south of the capital Mogadishu.

The soldiers had just entered Somalia from Ethiopia, where they had been receiving training. Ethiopia, backed by the US, sent troops to the country in an attempt to support the Somali transitional government.

The Ethiopians have been held responsible for the deaths of countless Somali civilians.

Five soldiers were also found dead in the Boondheere district north of Mogadishu, witnesses said.

Reportedly a Somali officer has resigned his post, accusing the government of contributing to more killings and plundering of the country.

Tuesday, August 12, 2008


Live up to the Spirit & Theme of the Occasion!!!
(One Dream implies Human Rights)

The world's most prestigious sporting event, once again, has began; in Beijing this time. The sporting activities at the 29th Olympiad will obviously continue to over shadow all other world events in the coming two weeks. The Chinese have long dreamt about hosting the Olympics as a show off to the world that they have all the power to emerge dominant in every sphere of influence. They continue to shrug off all charges against their heavy handed handling of dissidents and over all human rights records.
As the most populace country in the world, China has continued to expand its hegemony on third world countries for several reasons. China needs natural resources for its developing industries and hence creating such an influence in most African countries has become the corner stone of their Foreign policy since the 1980s. All diplomatic and economic supports Chinese have been rendering thus far have paid off as they are enjoying the fruits of unchallenged control over most African countries. Their control over mining, agriculture and communication industries have grown in every African country. Over the course of time, they have earned the respect of individuals like Meles Zenawi who is most revered disciple of their brutal ideology. He has been heard emulating the Chinese development path whilst preaching democracy; the EPRDF style
The Chinese sphere of influence has widened in securing huge multi million government contracts without bidding they know they can play the game along the line to the top leader. Their contractual dealings with the Ethiopian government in major sectors like construction, mining and communication are obvious proofs that Chinese are favored over all other companies.
In reciprocity, the government of Ethiopia is enjoying to reap the fruits of its open door policy to the Chinese. It has earned the expertise on how to quash oppositions. The technology to suppress freedom of expression like blocking popular internet sites, monitoring electronic mails and tapping phones were supplied and implemented by the Chinese as a favor for their close ties. How about jamming radio frequencies!! Again, the Chinese technology has been instrumental in blocking alternative media outlets which have earned the respect of millions of listeners for airing nothing but the truth. These are just a few examples to cite. Their influence is felt in every sector of the government apparatus run by cadre bureaucrats who are beneficiaries of the corrupt system.
We take this occasion to express our condemnation of the Chinese government for supporting Meles Zenawi's government brutal action in suppressing the will of the people. We call upon the leaders of the Chinese government to immediately cease their activities in supplying the regime with technologies of terror. The desire of our people in realizing its one dream (establishing a democratic society) must be respected in the true spirit of the sporting event the whole world is currently watching
The true Olympic spirit dictates that peace and love are the cornerstones of mankind. With that spirit rekindled once again, the Beijing 2008 sporting event has embraced the theme of ’One world and one dream”. We wish every success to all our athletes whose one dream is not limited to the medals they earn by excelling over their competitors, but also the institution of "unity and democracy" for the people of Ethiopia they represent. We all wish that our" democracy and Unity” flag will be waved at the 30th Olympiad in London. Free and equal participation of all qualifying athletes will be the theme of our country's sporting events. We will continue to cheer you up from where ever we Ethiopians live. You are all our hopes and your long years of hard work will guarantee your dreams come true.
Therefore, we at "Kinijit for Human Rights and Democracy Canada", in the spirit of the Olympics, call upon Canadian athletes and government officials to take this occasion to show their solidarity to the people of Ethiopia in their struggle for freedom, democracy and justice. We wish our Canadian and Ethiopian athletes who are taking part in the events; all the best in their endeavours, at the same time condemning China; for its human rights violations and its support for African breed of dictators like Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia.
August 11, 2008

Kinijit for Human Rights and Democracy, Toronto