Monday, March 30, 2009

Why no-one speaks out: Politics and human rights in Ethiopia

Ethiopia has no independent judiciary, no free press, no civil society, and individual liberties have been severely curtailed, so why isn’t Meles Zenawi a persona non grata in the international community, asks human rights activist Mitmita.
Birtukan Mideksa, a former judge who was charged with treason and sentenced to life imprisonment in 2005, is just one of many people jailed for exercising their fundamental rights, in this case the freedom of speech, says Mitmita. Mideksa is in solitary confinement in Kaliti Prison for allegedly violating the terms of a government pardon granted to her in 2007. The accusations are based on her failure to retract statements made in a speech that she was released from prison through a politically negotiated settlement rather than a formal legal pardon. Western failure to condemn abuses by Zenawi’s government for the sake of their own strategic interests, says Mitmita, comes at the expense of the rights of ordinary Ethiopians.
In the barbed wire existence that is Kaliti Prison, past the mocking eucalyptus trees swaying in the cerulean Addis skies, beyond the square outdoor cages reserved for visitors, away from the prison guards whose hands callously sift through the contents of your food basket, in solitary confinement is a thirty-four year old political prisoner. It is her second stay since 2005 within the infamous walls of the prison that lies on the outskirts of the Ethiopian capital.

Ms Birtukan Mideksa’s crime, according to the Ethiopian government, is violation of the terms of her 2007 pardon. She was arrested in 2005, in the post election upheaval during which 200 individuals were killed by government forces and more than 100 opposition political leaders and elected parliamentarians, human rights defenders, journalists, attorneys and civil society members were imprisoned. She was tried, convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment. The charge was treason. International outrage followed. Massive campaigns from around the world drew attention to the case. Amnesty International and other NGOs declared the defendants were prisoners of conscience who had been imprisoned solely for the expression of their fundamental rights.

In 2007, Ms Mideksa and her co-defendants were released as part of negotiations between elders and the Ethiopian government, which allegedly resulted in the following: Signed confessions by Ms Mideksa and others, and a pardon granted to them by the government. The terms and parameters of the pardons as well as the confessions remain murky. What is known and evident is that Ms Mideksa’s December 2008 arrest resulted from the exercise of her right to free speech.

Outside of the two square metre prison cell that she now inhabits, the political prisoner is a former judge, a mother to a four-year-old daughter and the head of an opposition political organisation (arguably Africa’s only woman to hold such a position). In juggling these roles, she was working to avoid the minefields that accompany exercising your rights in Ethiopia. How does a woman who presided over high profile cases as part of the judiciary end up in solitary confinement serving a life sentence for a second time in the span of two years? The answer lies in the tortured reality that is life in Ethiopia.

By all accounts, the country has no independent judiciary, no free press, no civil society, and individual liberties such as freedom of speech, association et al have been severely curtailed if not eliminated. Even artists don’t enjoy freedom of thought – their expressions can’t stray from the party lines. For example, Teddy Afro, a popular singer, is serving time for an alleged hit and run, though his lyrics and pro-democracy stance suggest that the accident might have been mere subterfuge.
The prison system, certainly since 2005 but most likely prior to that date, hosted a who’s who of Ethiopia’s intelligentsia, artist community and human rights defenders. That certainly doesn’t make it unique – totalitarian regimes are apt to discredit those who defy them. Those who were not imprisoned were slaughtered in broad daylight. In the Ogaden, the violence committed by government sources was so egregious that human rights groups have labelled them crimes against humanity. This brand of leadership has not only been exported to neighbouring Somalia but the US also allegedly used Ethiopia as a location for one of the CIA’s extraordinary rendition prisons.

Which brings us back to Ms Mideksa. Solitary confinement, according to Amnesty International, puts Ms Mideksa at risk of ill-treatment and torture. Ms Mideksa has been denied access to counsel and to medical treatment. She is at risk – if not already exposed – to abuse at the hands of prison guards. To be a woman political prisoner is something altogether quite different. The potential for suffering is innumerable.

The world, outside of those who concern themselves daily with the goings-on of Africa, has turned a deaf ear to her and to Ethiopia’s suffering. The leadership’s consistent flirting with disaster – whether it is famine, the ill-fated foray into supposed electoral politics in 2005, or the misadventures in Somalia – provides a clear image of a ruling party holding a nation in an extricable iron grip. Yet somehow the fate of a Mugabe or a Bashir of the Sudan doesn’t befall Meles Zenawi. There has been no international condemnation, no arrest warrants and he certainly isn’t a global persona non Grata.

Unlike other dictators, the head of Ethiopia has had an air of legitimacy conferred upon him – to the point that Westerners need to be reminded of his true colors, demonstrated during the 2005 elections. The Prime Minister’s policy appears to be twofold: Firstly, to convey an indispensable willingness to protect the interests of the West in the Horn of Africa and secondly, to display the accouterments of democracy and free market economics without actually implementing any of the institutions or responsibilities that accompany both.

And it seems his strategy has worked like a charm. Except for a rare rebuke or a slap on the wrist, the West – especially the primary funder's of the Ethiopian regime – generally turn a blind eye to the massive human rights violations besieging the nation. Which is not surprising: Even Ethiopians seem tired of Ethiopia’s same old problems. It is much easier to tune out something that has been going on for far too long. For those in need of a crash course in Ethiopian political history, consider the following:

Ms Mideksa’s imprisonment is but a microcosm of the tragedies experienced by the larger population. Fundamentally, her case illustrates the immense power that the Ethiopian government wields over its citizens. Her purportedly offensive statements that led to her arrest were made during a speech in Sweden. Shockingly, her words merely stated facts: That her prior release was not based on a formal legal pardon, but rather a politically negotiated settlement. It was her refusal to rescind these statements that landed her in jail. Since Ethiopia’s state apparatus extends beyond boundaries and across oceans, imagine the control it must wield over the population within its borders. Big African brother is watching. Following the 2005 elections, the government banned SMS text messaging after pro-democracy activists used the tool to organize voters and peaceful rallies. Various Ethiopian blogs, websites and other Internet resources are routinely blocked in Ethiopia. The besieged population is regularly searched before entering malls and restaurants.

Three months into her reinstated life sentence, we must raise some critical questions about Ms Mideksa’s case and the state of Ethiopia as a whole. Are fundamental rights extinguishable at the will of a government? Why isn’t international funding truly linked to a country’s human rights record? Should Western interests, especially purported ‘terrorism’ concerns, supersede the human rights of Africans? And most importantly, where is the outrage?

* Mitmita is a pseudomyn of an Ethiopian human rights activist.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Monday, March 23, 2009

Ethiopia: Birtukan sues the TPLF government for violation of rights (Capital)


Jailed opposition party Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) chair, Birtukan Midekssa, has sued the government for violating her rights as a prisoner.
Earlier this month, attorney Tesfaye Derese filed the charge on behalf of Birtukan. Tesfaye himself had on various occasions claimed not to be able to see his client.
In the filed charge, Birtukan asks the court to ensure her prisoner’s rights, which she said have been violated, are respected. The Ethiopian constitution stipulates that persons in custody and convicted prisoners have the right to communicate with and be visited by spouse(s), close relatives and friends, medical attendants, and religious and legal counselors.
Birtukan is not the first one to claim mistreatment in detention centers. During the former Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP) leaders and members’ trial, then CUDP Secretary, Muluneh Eyuel, also claimed that he was mistreated and was put in a dark cell on his own.
Very recently, the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM) secretary Bekele Jirate claimed that he was made to stand for long hours while he was in police custody. Both allegations were rejected by the courts.
Birtukan’s charge was sent back to the registrar by the first presiding judge, who explained that he could not preside over the case, as he knew the plaintiff personally. Another justice, who took over the case, ruled last Wednesday that it is in the court’s jurisdiction and the plaintiff has a case and can indeed sue for the alleged violations.
In orders issued last Wednesday, the court explained that it took on the case after the plaintiff re-stated its case to explain that the alleged violations occurred in the previous fifteen days. This is a requirement if the case is to go through what is called accelerated procedure.
The court has ordered the Federal Correction Facilities Commission to present a response to the charge by April 2.
It was back in December 29 that Birtukan was re-arrested and began serving life after the pardon board revoked her pardon. She was imprisoned and then pardoned after she - along with other members and leaders of the former CUDP - were found guilty of unrest following the 2005 elections.
UDJ and other opposition groups such as OFDM and United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF) have condemned Birtukan’s re-arrest. However the government insisted it acted to uphold the rule of law to which it said Birtukan failed to comply when she denied asking for a pardon and then refused to retract her statement.
Some lawyers expressed a concern about the procedures the government took to revoke her pardon. These experts explained that Birtukan was not given the legally permitted 21 days before her pardon was revoked, instead she was re-arrested just 72 hours after the Federal Police Commission asked her to retract the statement.
The justice minister, Berhan Hailu, has said that the 21 day period referred to by the lawyers is only advisory.

Sunday, March 22, 2009

Why Does British Foreign Aid Prefer Poor Governments Over Poor People?



By William Easterly and Laura Freschi
European donors are moving towards increasing direct budget support to governments of aid-receiving countries. Leading the charge is the UK, which gives the largest percentage of direct budget support of any bilateral or multilateral donor (although the World Bank, the European Commission, the US and France also give substantial budget support).
Giving cash directly to host country governments for use in the general budget for public spending has a number of advantages. The donors say it gives recipient governments more predictability, and more control over the aid resources being funneled in. Rather than serving a plethora of masters in the international donor community, funds given as budget support can be corralled by the host government and spent coherently according to host government priorities, while building government capacity to do what everyone wants governments to do for themselves in the long run: competently manage their own affairs. The aid jargon for this is “country ownership.”
So how is this working out in practice? In 2007, the UK gave 20 percent of their total bilateral ODA in the form of budget support to 13 countries: Tanzania, Ethiopia, Pakistan, Ghana, Uganda, Mozambique, Vietnam, Malawi, Zambia, India, Sierra Leone, Nepal, and Nicaragua. (Source)
Of this list, only Ghana and India were classified as “free” by the annual Freedom House ratings on democracy (according to either the 2007 or 2008 rating). For the 11 other countries that did get British budget support, how much is there “country ownership” when the government is not democratically accountable to the “country”?
Moreover, Human Rights Watch (HRW) accused some of these governments of serious human rights violations. Ethiopia’s autocratic government, which is inexplicably the largest recipient of UK budget support in Africa, won 99% of the vote in the last “election.” The government army is accused by HRW of war crimes in the Somali region of Ethiopia. Nor is this brand new -- neither army officers nor civilian officials have been “held accountable for crimes against humanity that ENDF (Ethiopian National Defense Force) forces carried out against ethnic Anuak communities during a counterinsurgency campaign in Gambella region in late 2003 and 2004.” HRW also notes that today: “Credible reports indicate that vital food aid to the drought-affected [Somali] region has been diverted and misused as a weapon to starve out rebel-held areas.” Ironically, Ethiopia’s autocratic ruler, Meles Zenawi, was the Africa representative at the recent G-20 meeting campaigning for more aid to Africa during the current crisis, because, among other reasons, Meles said “people who were getting some food would cease to get it and … would die” (from an article in Wednesday's Financial Times.)
As for Vietnam, HRW reports: “In March 2008 police arrested Bui Kim Thanh, an activist who defended victims of land confiscation and involuntarily committed her to a mental hospital for the second time in two years. … In October a Hanoi court sentenced reporters Nguyen Viet Chien of Young People (Thanh Nien) newspaper to two years in prison and Nguyen Van Hai from Youth (Tuoi Tre) to two years’ “re-education” for having exposed a major corruption scandal in 2005…..”
Oh yes, and let’s consider corruption, which may affect whether aid to governments translates into aid to poor people. Another country on the UK budget support list, Malawi, had received $148 million in budget support from its donors from 2000 to 2004. It ended those four years with poorer government capacity and greater fiscal instability than it began them, according to one evaluation. Also during those four years, the Malawian president was accused of awarding fraudulent contracts, and government officials achieved new lows when they sold off all 160,000 tons of the country’s grain reserves for personal profit. In the ensuing famine, provoked by drought and floods but made worse by the loss of the grain reserves, the government had to borrow an additional $28 million to feed its starving people. Yet Malawi continues to receive British budget support today.
Elsewhere on the corruption front, British aid continues to give direct transfers to the Sierra Leonean government even though its own 2006 report found that previous support to the “Anti-Corruption Commission” had “made no progress on the overall goal of reducing corruption, had made no impact on reducing real or perceived levels of corruption, had suffered a fall in institutional capacity since the previous year.” (Quote from a 2008 Transparency International report). Sierra Leone is ranked the 158th worst country in the world on corruption (where the worst ranking is 180th).
Of course, low income countries have lower ratings on democracy, human rights, and corruption than richer countries, so poverty-alleviation aid has to face the tricky tradeoff of directing aid to the poorest countries while trying to avoid the most corrupt and autocratic ones. Unfortunately, a recent article found that the UK was one of the best (least bad) official aid agencies in doing this, so most of the others are apparently even worse.
This study did not consider the issue of direct budget support. There is nothing that says you have to give aid meant for the poorest peoples directly to their governments, if the latter are tyrannical and corrupt. With the examples above, which side are UK aid officials on, on the side of poor people or on the side of the governments that oppress them?
Posted by Laura Freschi on March 20, 2009 12:20 PM

Saturday, March 21, 2009

Testimony of David H. Shinn Adjunct Professor, Elliott School of International Affairs George Washington University

Horn of Africa: Priorities and Recommendations
Hearing before the House Subcommittee on State and Foreign Operations
Committee on Appropriations
12 March 2009
Ethiopia

Ethiopia has been a good ally of the United States on a number of issues while it offers challenges for U.S. policy concerning its human rights practices and pace of democratization. As a result, U.S. policy towards Ethiopia since the current government took power in 1991 has always been a delicate balancing act. This will continue to be the case.

Ethiopia has been a strong supporter of U.S. counter terrorism policy in the region. Even if the tactics change under the Obama administration for dealing with terrorism, the United States will continue to look to Ethiopia for support. Ethiopia has also consistently been responsive to U.S. concerns about stability and peacekeeping operations in the region and beyond. It supported U.S. policy on the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan and provided support to the peacekeeping operation in Darfur. It has contributed to peacekeeping efforts beyond the Horn of Africa. Although in my view, both the United States and Ethiopia followed a misguided policy in Somalia, they did it together. It is just not possible to ignore the helpful role of Ethiopia on regional issues that are important to the United States. In addition, the Meles Zenawi government has established a solid economic track record for which it does not receive much credit.

U.S. policy must weigh these positive factors against the need for significant improvement on human rights issues and the democratization process. Since 1991 there have been periodic large-scale arrests of political dissidents, frequently among the Oromo who are perceived rightly or wrongly to have ties to the Oromo Liberation Front, which calls for the overthrow of the government. Although many are eventually released, new groups of political dissidents are routinely arrested. The government has a long history of harassment of the private press and a reluctance to permit civil society groups to engage in advocacy work. The new act covering charities and non-governmental organizations places severe restrictions on their ability to conduct advocacy work.

Democratization in Ethiopia experienced a major setback following the 2005 national elections. Although the election process began well, it ended badly. The political opposition must take some responsibility for the violence that followed the election, but ultimately the government is responsible for preventing violence and maintaining credibility in the electoral system. The 2008 local elections were an opportunity to put the democratization process back on track. They did not. The government party won all but a handful of the 3.6 million positions. The next national elections occur in 2010 and the outlook for serious competition is not good.
U.S. policy must continue to balance the need for Ethiopia’s cooperation on regional issues with its desire to influence positively the human rights’ situation and democratization process in the country. Putting pressure on Ethiopia will become increasingly difficult for the United States and other western countries as Ethiopia continues to strengthen its relations with countries such as China and Russia.
Editors Note: In this testimony Mr. shin tried to link the violence or the aftermath of election 2005 on the opposition parties. What Mr. Shinn purposely omitted to mention is that the current government was not elected and is not the legitimate government of the country. Moreover, it looks like Mr. shinn is approving the killing of hundreds of unarmed civilian protesters and the imprisonment of more than fifty thousand opposition supporters members, and leaders. If those killed were whites like in Zimbabwe or jews in israel, Mr. shinn might have a different report. What a pity.

CANADIAN MPS REACTION REGARDING THE UNJUSTLIFE IMPRISONMENT OF BIRTUKAN MIDEKSSA

Julian tackles human rights

Christina Myers (staff reporter)

A local MP is tackling a human rights issue on the other side of the planet. Peter Julian, NDP MP for Burnaby-New Westminister, recently tabled a private members’ motion in the House of Commons, calling on the Canadian government to do what it can to pressure the dictatorial regime in Ethiopia to release Birtukan Mideksa from Solitary confinement unconditionally.

Peter Julian, NDP MP said

“Anyone interested in backing his campaign can contact his office to receive copies of the petition. Any petition with a minimum of 25 names can be presented to the House of Commons”.

All Canadians and in particular those from Ethiopian origin please respond to his call for action. His details are;

Constituency Office:
7615 Sixth Street
Burnaby, BC V3N 3M6
Tel: 604-775-5707
Fax: 604-775-5743
TTY: 604-775-5737
juliap@parl.gc.ca

Parliamentary Office:
Room 178, Confederation Building, House of Commons
Ottawa, ON K1A 0A6
Tel: 613-992-4214
Fax: 613-947-9500
TTY: 613-992-4249
Information Service, Parliament of Canada, Toll-free (Canada): 1 (866) 599-4999

Also you can visit his website at www.peterjulian.ca

Bashir Makhtal - McGuffi

CBC RADIO "THE CURRENT PROGRAM REGARDING BASHIR MAKTAL
Bashir Makhtal was in an open court room in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa today. He's a dual Ethiopian and Canadian citizen and he's spent more than two years in an Ethiopian prison as a domestic terror suspect. Mr. Makhtal was picked up along the border between Kenya and Somalia in December, 2006. He was then forced onto a rendition flight and flown illegally across international borders, eventually landing in an Ethiopian prison cell. He was not allowed to see Canadian consular officials for more than a year and a half. And he did not actually meet his Ethiopian lawyer until about two months ago.
ethiopia accuses Mr. Makhtal of being a key figure in the Ogaden National Liberation Front, ONLF, a rebel group that is fighting for more autonomy or outright secession from Ethiopia. Ethiopia considers the ONLF a terrorist organization. But it is not on the terror watch list in Canada or the United States.
David McGuffin is following Bashir Makhtal's trial. He is CBC's Africa correspondent and he was at the court house in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
Bashir Makhtal - Cousin and Lawyer
Said Maktal is Bashir Makhtal's cousin. They were raised in the same house in Somalia. And Said Maktal has been leading efforts in Canada to get his cousin out of Ethiopia. Said Maktal was in Toronto this morning.
Lorne Waldman is Bashir Makhtal's lawyer in Canada.

Bashir Makhtal Trial: Baird

John Baird has taken an active interest in Bashir Makhtal's case. He's Canada's Federal Transport Minister. He represents the riding of Ottawa West-Nepean, a riding with a large Somali community. And he says the Federal Government has told the Ethiopian Government that it expects Mr. Makhtal to be treated fairly.
The minister is travelling today and was unavailable to be interviewed. He did, however, speak to this issue at a press conference on Tuesday. We aired a clip from this conference.
To listen to the entire program press the link

US President Barack Obama nominated career diplomat Johnnie Carson to be assistant secretary of state for African affairs

Washington, DC — US President Barack Obama nominated career diplomat Johnnie Carson to be assistant secretary of state for African affairs, the White House announced.
In the late 1990s, he served under Susan Rice, the current UN ambassador, as principal deputy assistant secretary for the State Department's Bureau of African Affairs.
The White House announced the nomination of Ambassador Johnnie Carson Friday. The full text of the White House announcement:
President Barack Obama today announced his intent to nominate Ambassador Johnnie Carson, Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, State Department.
Ambassador Johnnie Carson is currently the National Intelligence Officer for Africa on the National Intelligence Council. He joined the NIC in September 2006 after a 37-year career in the Foreign Service. Prior to this appointment, Carson served as the Senior Vice President of the National Defense University in Washington D.C. (2003-2006).
Carson's Foreign Service career includes ambassadorships to Kenya (1999-2003), Zimbabwe (1995-1997), and Uganda (1991-1994); and Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of African Affairs (1997-1999). Earlier in his career he had assignments in Portugal, Botswana, Mozambique, and Nigeria. He has also served as desk officer in the Africa section at State's Bureau of Intelligence and Research; Staff Officer for the Secretary of State (1978-1979), and Staff Director for the Africa Subcommittee of the US House of Representatives (1979-1982).
Before joining the Foreign Service, Ambassador Carson was a Peace Corps volunteer in Tanzania. He has a Bachelor of Arts in History and Political Science from Drake University and a Master of Arts in International Relations from the School of Oriental and Africa Studies at the University of London.
Ambassador Carson is the recipient of several Superior Honor Awards from the Department of State and a Meritorious Service Award from Secretary of State Madeleine Albright. The Centers for Disease Control presented Ambassador Carson its highest award, "Champion of Prevention Award," for his leadership in directing the US Government's HIV/AIDS prevention efforts in Kenya.
Senator Russ Feingold, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommitee on African Affairs has hailed Carson’s choice describing him as “an accomplished career foreign service officer.”
“President Obama’s nomination of Johnnie Carson to be Assistant Secretary for African Affairs is a strong choice. Carson is an accomplished career foreign service officer with an excellent track record on African issues spanning many decades and a range of positions. Carson has a deep understanding of our diplomatic capacities and the importance of regular interagency collaboration. I look forward to considering his nomination and hearing how he and the administration plan to address the many challenges we face on the African continent.” Feingold said after the White House announcement.

Wednesday, March 18, 2009

Tories to scrutinize Canadian's trial in Ethiopia

If proceedings aren't fair, Baird vows to bring Toronto businessman home
By Louisa Taylor, The Ottawa Citizen March 18, 2009
Days before a Canadian businessman is to appear in an Ethiopian court to face terrorism charges, the Harper government is sending "strong signals" to Ethiopian authorities that it is watching to see whether Bashir Makhtal has any hope of receiving a fair trial, and if he doesn't, Canada will be taking steps to bring the former Toronto businessman home.
"Thursday is going to be a very important day," John Baird, minister of transport, infrastructure and communities, said Tuesday. "What is required is that, after two years of holding Mr. Makhtal with no charge, they now put up the evidence."
The Ottawa-Nepean MP says he will be speaking to embassy officials today to ask that the Canadian ambassador attend Makhtal's hearing in Addis Ababa to underscore to Ethiopian authorities that "the government of Canada at senior levels will be watching this very closely."
Baird took on the Makhtal case last year at the urging of Ottawa's Somali community. Born in the Ogaden region of Ethiopia, Makhtal is an ethnic Somali who immigrated to Canada in 1991.
The 40-year-old trader was arrested crossing the border between Somalia and Kenya in late 2006. He is accused of being an Islamic extremist. A month later, he was illegally deported to Ethiopia, where he was held for two years in solitary confinement with no access to a lawyer or to Canadian embassy officials.
Makhtal's case was recently transferred to civilian court, where he finally heard the charges against him. The Ethiopian government alleges that he was a leader of the Ogaden National Liberation Front from 2003 to his arrest in 2006. As the head of a military and political training centre, he is alleged to have led 800 fighters into Somalia on a "terrorist mission."
The ONLF is fighting for Ogadeni independence from Ethiopia, which considers the group a terrorist organization. (The Canadian government does not.) Makhtal has repeatedly denied any active involvement in the ONLF, and says he is being persecuted because his grandfather, Makhtal Dahir, helped found the ONLF decades ago.
The evidence listed on the charges includes the names of six witnesses, all of whom Makhtal's lawyer and family believe were coerced into making statements against him. It also includes three pieces of documentary evidence, one of which is an ONLF news release claiming responsibility for an April, 2007 attack on an Ethiopian oil field.
The press release makes no mention of Makhtal, who had already been in solitary confinement for four months by the time of the attack.
Another piece of documentary evidence listed is the case number of an Ethiopian military court decision from the fall of 2008. Makhtal was brought before a secret military tribunal a half-dozen times last year. He was blindfolded, the proceedings were in Amharic -- a language he barely understands -- and he was not allowed to have a lawyer present.
The evidence "underscores the fact that trials in Ethiopia, particularly in a political context and certainly when ONLF suspects are involved, generally fall far, far short of international standards," said Alex Neve, secretary-general of Amnesty International Canada, adding that political trials in Ethiopia were "quite unpredictable."
"I can't say there's a good chance a judge will look at the flimsy evidence and laugh it out of court and Mr. Makhtal will be a free man because this could very well stretch out for many more sittings of the court," Neve said.
Baird has previously said he would consider going to Ethiopia to press for Makhtal's release, and members of the Makhtal family say they have been told that the minister plans to go in April.
"I'm hoping to welcome Mr. Makhtal home before then," Baird said Tuesday. "But I've had good discussions with Lawrence Cannon, the minister of foreign affairs (about going to Ethiopia). ... I'll be speaking to that issue after I see what goes on Thursday."
Baird met yesterday with Makhtal's cousin and main advocate, Said Maktal, to deliver the same message.
"At least now, after two years, I feel like the case is getting some attention from senior levels of government," Said Maktal said. "I think it's clear my cousin is never going to get a fair trial."
Said Maktal said he asked the minister to make sure that, if he did travel to Ethiopia, he went armed with a letter from Prime Minister Stephen Harper to Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.
"Meles Zenawi will not give it the attention it deserves unless it comes from the Canadian prime minster," Said Maktal said.

Thursday, March 5, 2009

The Honourable Bob Rae Writes a second letter to foreign minister Lawrence Cannon

March 3rd, 2009 - Ottawa

Dear Minister Cannon,
Please accept this letter in conjunction with my previous correspondence on this same issue dated Feb 6th, 2009.
Recent reports on the illegal detention of Ethiopian opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa continue to be disturbing. I have been advised that Ms. Mideksa has been held in solitary confinement for over two months now, and remains isolated from her legal representation.
I am asking you to review Ms. Mideksa`s case and urge the Ethiopian government to move towards her safe release. I would appreciate an indication from you as to what steps Canada plans to take on this case.
Sincerely,

Hon. Bob Rae
Liberal Foreign Affairs Critic

Wednesday, March 4, 2009

JULIAN LAUNCHES CAMPAIGN TO FREE ETHOPIAN OPPOSITION LEADER BIRTUKAN MIDEKSA


MARCH 3, 2009
THE HONORABLE JULIAN LAUNCHES CAMPAIGN TO FREE ETHIOPIAN OPPOSITION LEADER BIRTUKAN
MIDEKSA
OTTAWA –Canada must stand up for democracy in Ethiopia and oppose the illegal and unjustified imprisonment of Birtukan Mideksa, a former judge and the leader of the Unity and Justice Opposition Party.
That is why New Democrat Peter Julian, MP (Burnaby-New Westminster) has tabled a Private Member’s Motion (M-344) at the House of Commons that calls on the Government of Canada to immediately use all diplomatic means possible to put pressure on the Ethiopian government to release Ms. Mideksa.
“Birtukan Mideksa is an inspiring woman and leader in a country where political freedom, democracy and equality for women are under direct attack. Canada must support her political efforts to bring about peace and democracy in Ethiopia” said Julian.
Ms. Mideksa has been rearrested and illegally detained since December 28 2008 after being originally pardoned of trumped up charges.
“This is a matter of fundamental democracy and human rights,” said Julian. “Here we have a very clear abuse of power by the Ethiopian government in an effort to shut down the democratic opposition. Canadians should be concerned and should add their voice to petitions currently being circulated to put pressure on the Ethiopian government to immediately release Ms. Mideksa.”
Ms Birtukan Mideksa has been held in solitary confinement in a prison cell only two-metres-squared in size. In addition to being forced to endure appalling, life-threatening conditions, Ms. Mideksa is at constant risk of torture.
International human rights organizations including Amnesty International have called for her release and many Canadians are expressing concern and are urging Canada to stand strong.

*********************************************

M-334 — March 2, 2009 — Mr. Julian (Burnaby—New Westminster) — That the House express its concern over (i) the ongoing imprisonment by the Ethiopian Government of Ms. Birtukan Mideksa, President of the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party, originally pardoned of all charges against her before being arrested on December 28, 2008, (ii) her re-imprisonment without a formal hearing as guaranteed by Ethiopian law, (iii) her not been given full access to a lawyer, (iv) international monitoring organizations not been given access to her, (v) her limited contact with close family members; and furthermore, that the House call on the government to make use of every means at its disposal, in addition to working with its allies in the international community and at the United Nations, to exert maximum pressure on the Ethiopian Government to unconditionally release Ms. Mideksa and allow her to participate fully and peacefully in her position as the leader of a political party.

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