Mr. Obang Metho Addresses Law students and faculty At the College of Law, University of Saskatchewan

Mr. Obang Metho / March 25, 2008

I would like to thank the College of Law at the University of Saskatchewan and especially the faculty and students for inviting me to speak tonight. I would also like to thank Scales of Social Justice League (SOS Justice League): for giving me the honor of being your keynote speaker at Access to Justice Week.
When I first received the invitation a month ago to speak about justice, I was asked to speak on the topic, International Law: Does it Create Barriers in Access to Justice? The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Geneva Convention, the Rome statutes—what do these mean to the world, especially to those suffering the worst Anuak violations of these principles, laws and codes around the world?
I was told that I should speak in reference to my testimony of the case of my own ethnic group, the , before the United Nations Human Rights Commission in 2004 and because of my human rights work, including the two legal cases I have been working on with two different law firms, one who submitted our case to the International Criminal Court (ICC) and another who submitted our case to the African Union’s Commission on Peoples’ and Human Rights. I am very pleased to share these experiences with you today.
For most of you who do not know me, I am resident of Saskatchewan and graduated with a degree in political science from this university. I have lived in Saskatchewan for a long time since coming from Gambella, Ethiopia. It is interesting that when I was doing development work in Africa and was asked where I was from, I said I was from Saskatoon, Canada, but when I was here in Saskatoon, people would ask me the same question and I would answer, Africa. I guess I have one foot in both places and I call both, home!
It is good to be back at this great campus which has meant a lot to me, not only because I graduated from this university, but also because of the great support and friendships I have with so many wonderful faculty and staff in the University’s Colleges and Departments such as in the Department of Political Science, the Department of Division of Media and Technology, Department of International Studies, Department of Sociology, the College of Arts & Science, the College of Medicine, the College of Education as well as with students!
It is no wonder why last month during the International Week Workshop at this University, there was a presentation on Ethiopia at the College of Agriculture and the Ethiopian Minister of Foreign Affairs Office made a big deal out of it. The government of Ethiopia wrote on their websites that they were working with the University of Saskatchewan and Canadian government on such things as good governance, democracy and development because the Ethiopian government knows it very well that this university is my home.

I and others knew that this was another campaign to fool the people, especially because of my link to this university. They may have thought they were invading “Obang’s territory!” However, we both know the truth of what is going on in Ethiopia and to the best of my ability, I will continue to speak publicly, whenever and wherever I can do so, about the broken government and gross human rights abuses in Ethiopia until real justice, democracy, good governance, the rule of law and development is established in Ethiopia.
What I am going to talk about tonight is the experience that I have gained since I became involved in human rights work in late 2003 following the three-day long massacre of 424 from my own ethnic group, the Anuak, by the Ethiopian military.
Some of what I have learned about human rights work has been very disillusioning. As I speak of my own experience, you may learn that I am very disappointed with many in the international community, despite the good intentions of the creators of our human rights laws. The reason for is that not far underneath this system that is supposed to uphold the human rights of all people, is a system that resists the carrying out of those laws at most every level.
It is a common struggle—between the higher and lower natures within every person—between what one knows is right and what one wants for one’s own reasons. Our problem is not about knowing the difference. It is about having the moral strength to choose the right way to live. In order to face this crisis affecting millions throughout the world, we must first have the courage to face the dark side of our own flawed humanity. The problem is not the law; it is within us, individually, especially with many of those who wield the power!

International Human Rights laws are, without question, laws based on noble, God-given principles, many of which were enshrined in the non-binding Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Eleanor Roosevelt of United States of America chaired the committee responsible for formulating these principles and a renowned Canadian law professor, John Humphrey, heavily contributed to the content.
By declaring the inalienable rights and dignity of each human being, regardless of any differences, it also declared the need to protect each human being—particularly the vulnerable—from the worst actions of others. These universal values and principles were proclaimed and later ratified by the majority of countries around the world.
Other international human rights laws from the past, like the Geneva Convention, which basically set rules for the treatment of prisoners of war, were updated at this time as well. Other human rights laws also followed in an attempt to make binding, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights with the purpose of protecting human kind from such crimes as genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.
Continuing implementation of other human rights treaties, dealt with additional areas such as racial discrimination, torture, the rights of the child, among others. The most recent human rights laws, the Rome Statutes, established the International Criminal Court, the ICC.
The original intent of these laws was to intervene to protect the vulnerable and see to it that the worst violators would be held accountable. The impetus for most of the laws came out of the horrible atrocities of World War I and World War II. The shock waves among people in the world to the barbaric acts of the Holocaust during which six million Jews, along with others, were exterminated, provided the rationale for a multi-lateral mechanism for intervening in the national affairs of another sovereign country.
It was in 1945 that the League of Nations formally was changed into the United Nations. The United Nations is the only organization in the international community with the mandate and worldwide legal jurisdiction to oversee and enforce these international human rights laws. The High Commissioner of Human Rights oversees the Human Rights Council who has the mandate to investigate violations of human rights.

The Human Rights Council has 47 members, elected by the full assembly by secret ballot. When I was there before the Council in 2004, a Sudanese representative sat on that council, despite the genocide going on in Darfur. This gives you an idea of who is hearing your case. Since that time, member states, who have committed gross human rights crimes, are excluded from membership.
The Council has the authority to appoint special investigators, rapporteurs, to do further investigation and report back to them. If force is to be used, including military intervention and sanctions, it is the United Nations Security Council who must authorize it. The current UN Security Council members are from the US, Russia, the UK, France and China.
However, regional organizations, such as the African Union, have been created to deal on a regional basis with many of these same issues and advise governments of their findings and recommendations. An African Judicial Court is in the development stage, but not yet operating. Cases from the African Union can be referred to the ICC.
The question is—have they achieved the well-intentioned objectives for which these laws were created? Have they made easier the path to justice or have they created their own barriers that have blocked the accomplishment of their intent?
I would contend that the problem is largely not with the content enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights or in the numerous human rights laws and mandates, but is more about the lack of moral will to enforce them as well as due to the suppression of information that surrounds the commission of human rights violations.
These laws were meant to prevent genocide like the Holocaust from ever happening again. However, the evidence of the failure of these laws to be enforced is tragically clear when one looks at the millions of lives lost in Cambodia, Chile, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Darfur, Yugoslavia and numerous others places around the globe, including the case of the Anuak.
Yet, because the law regarding genocide was written in such a way to demand intervention in cases of genocide, the superpowers are reluctant to call cases that meet that definition because it requires action. Instead, most cases are defined as “crimes against humanity” as a way to skirt the obligation to do something. For instance, the United States has called Darfur a genocide while the European Union has not.

There are several reasons for this. For one, inherent in the laws is a tension between international intervention and national sovereignty. The case must be strong to cross international borders, intervening in an independent sovereign state. However, when the government of one’s own country is committing atrocities against its own citizens, like what happened in Rwanda, the intent of the law is that the need to protect the vulnerable trumps the rights of that nation.
Yet, unfortunately, many different factors influence whether or not the United Nations and the international community will take any action. At the same time, many in the world are under the illusion that the United Nations will act when and where appropriate. Because of this, most feel that they can settle back and not get involved.

I was under this illusion when I presented the case of the Anuak to the United Nations High Commission on Human Rights in April of 2004 after Ethiopian Defense Forces massacred 424 people from my ethnic group in Gambella, Ethiopia. Let me start by explaining what happened. Oil exploration in the Gambella area in southwestern Ethiopia, on the border of Sudan, revealed promising oil reserves on indigenous Anuak land.
The Anuak leaders spoke out regarding wanting to be involved in the decision making, as spelled out in the Ethiopian Constitution, but they were seen as trouble-makers. When the killing of Anuak leaders began on December 13 through 15 of 2003, the Chinese were visiting the country and the oil rights had been given to Petronas of Malaysia and their subsidiary, the Zhongyuan Petroleum Exploration Bureau (ZPEB), of China to begin their work in the area immediately.
The Ethiopian military had a list of Anuak names, each allegedly picked due to their leadership, educational background or overall influence in the community. For instance, one of the first ones on the list was my sister-in-law’s father who was a beloved pastor. Others included many of those I was working closely with in the development work.
A number of doctors from Saskatoon had accompanied me to Gambella and we had plans to develop a full-scale medical project between the two cities that had to be temporarily suspended for safety reasons. We had received a large CIDA grant for the project that instead, had to be returned due to continuing security concerns for Canadian students, who as part of the project, would have been spending time in Gambella.
The massacre began on December 13, 2003 when the Ethiopian military, accompanied by some local militia groups from a different ethnic background, went door to door, pulling out the Anuak from their homes. If they refused to come out, their homes were set on fire until they had to run for safety. The militias then hacked them with machetes and clubs. If they ran, they were shot by the defense troops in Ethiopian uniform.
They marched through the town chanting, “Today is the day for killing Anuak.” As they raped the women and young girls, they chanted, “Now you will have no more Anuak babies!” The Ethiopian National Defense troops did not stop there, but destroyed homes, water wells, granaries, crops, health clinics and schools. They continued to wreak havoc in the rural areas in the following weeks and months, killing, injuring, raping, torturing and detaining many more Anuak. About 10,000 fled the country for refuge in south Sudan. It is unknown today how many Anuak were killed as many were buried in mass graves and in remote areas, but some believe over 1500 were killed.
The tragedy was a tremendous loss for the Anuak who were already considered an endangered people group, totaling only about .01% of the total population of 80 million Ethiopians. Additionally, most of those killed were the leaders and most educated in the community of a very marginalized people.
These human rights abuses are all well-documented in a co-sponsored investigation by two US-based organizations, Genocide Watch and Survivors’ Rights, organizations created to prevent genocide. That report, “Today Is the Day for Killing Anuak,” and a subsequent one, “Operation Sunny Mountain,” are available on their websites as well as on ours. Another report by Human Rights Watch, which came out on March 24, 2005, “Targeting the Anuak,” is also available on their website.
The question is—does the Anuak massacre meet the definition of genocide? To answer it, we need to review the law itself. Genocide was addressed at the Genocide Convention and the laws regarding it were adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on December 9, 1948. More than 130 nations have ratified the Genocide Convention since that time. Ethiopia is one of these.
Now, according to the definition of genocide in Article II of the Convention, what happened to the Anuak does meet the criteria for being classified as a genocide as it meets the overall definition as well as it meets one or more of the criteria. In fact, it meets all but the last—forcibly transferring children of the group to another.
In the definition, genocide means any of the following acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group, as such:
(a) Killing members of the group;
(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (including inflicting trauma on members of the group through widespread torture, rape, sexual violence, forced or coerced use of drugs, and mutilation rape)
(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; includes the deliberate deprivation of resources needed for the group’s physical survival, such as clean water, food, clothing, shelter or medical services. Deprivation of the means to sustain life can be imposed through confiscation of harvests, blockade of foodstuffs, detention in camps, forcible relocation or expulsion into deserts.
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; includes the deliberate deprivation of resources needed for the group’s physical survival, such as clean water, food, clothing, shelter or medical services. Deprivation of the means to sustain life can be imposed through confiscation of harvests, blockade of foodstuffs, detention in camps, forcible relocation or expulsion into deserts.
(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.
Article III strongly states that the acts of (a) Genocide; (b) Conspiracy to commit genocide; (c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide; (d) Attempt to commit genocide and (e) Complicity in genocide shall be punished.
The Anuak case meets the stringent criteria of genocide under the law as the intent to destroy part of a specific ethnic group could be proven. The Anuak was the only ethnic group targeted in a region of at least eight other ethnic groups. The presence of the list, the slogans, the recruiting, arming and incitement of the militias all proved the intent to destroy the Anuak, in this case the educated leaders, and the intent to incite others to do so as well.
The maiming, injury, burning down of homes with inhabitants in them and the widespread raping of the women and girls accompanied by the slogan that the result would be to prevent or limit the birth of “Anuak” babies met another definition. The only definition that was not met was the forcible transfer of children from one group to another. However, one does not need to meet all these criteria to meet the overall definition.

Additionally, information was later documented in another investigation by Genocide Watch and Survivors’ Rights that gave evidence that the plan had an actual name, “Operation Sunny Mountain,” which alleged that those in the highest offices in the country had knowledge of the plan, if not direct involvement. No one still has been found accountable for the crimes despite the mandate in Article III to punish perpetrators. What went wrong?
Most of us in the world live under a number of illusions that are propped up by false beliefs about the international community, the United Nations and the presence of international human rights laws.

We in the Anuak Justice Council were no different. I will use our own experience, along with others, where relevant, to further explain the obstacles to securing justice through the international community.

A call for worldwide Solidarity for Daniel & Netsanet

A call for worldwide Solidarity for Daniel & Netsanet

Posted on 16th March 2008

A call for worldwide Solidarity dedicated to human rights and civic society activists Daniel Bekele & Netsanet Demissie.

Daniel Bekele (m), policy manager of the Ethiopian office of ActionAid (international development NGO), lawyer

Netsanet Demissie (m), director of NGO Organization for Social Justice in Ethiopia.

……………..

Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demissie are human rights activists who ended up being deprived of their own basic human rights. Amnesty International and other international human rights organisations consider them as prisoners of conscience. 27 months have now passed since they have been illegally detained and justice has not yet been restored.

Netsanet Demissie is a human rights and environmental lawyer based in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. He is the founder and Executive Director of the Organization for Social Justice in Ethiopia (OSJE), which took part in monitoring national elections in May 2005. Daniel Bekele is the head of the Policy Research and Advocacy Department for Action Aid International in Ethiopia. Both Netsanet Demissie and Daniel Bekele are coordinators of the Global Call to Action against Poverty (GCAP). The two were arrested following the aftermath of May 2005 election and remained in jail to this day.

Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demissie are some of the last remaining prisoners following a trial that started in May 2006, which originally involved 131 politicians, journalists, civil society leaders and organisations accused of a range of charges from genocide to treason. They were among thousands who were detained following protests accusing the Ethiopian regime of rigging the 15 May 2005 National elections. Some of the accused were acquitted during the course of the trial. Others were convicted but pardoned in July and August 2007 after they allegedly signed a confession letter apologizing for “mistakes” in the demonstrations following the 2005 elections.

Although they were asked to sign a similar statement, Daniel and Netsanet declined. Counting on the non-existent justice system they argued that their activities in 2005 were entirely legal and did not serve to undermine, but rather to protect and promote Ethiopia ’s constitutional order.

Throughout this sham trial Daniel and Netsanet defended the charges of ‘outrage against the Constitution and constitutional order’, and proved beyond reasonable doubt that they were within the law, but partisan judges were not interested in upholding the rule of law.

On 26 December 2007 they were unjustly convicted by the phoney court and were sentenced for two and half years.

Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demissie become victims of persecution as a consequence of their peaceful activities in defence of human rights. Furthermore, this is another evidence that indicates the deplorable and ferocious campaign waged by the dictatorial regime that is bent on silencing civic society and human rights defenders in Ethiopia.

We salute these great civic leaders that have become an inspiration for many of their young compatriots, who are keen to promote their cause and vow to follow on their tracks in the building of a better and just society.

ACTION REQUESTED:

We ask the international civic and human rights organizations across the globe not to give up on the demand for the freedom of their illegally detained colleagues.

We ask Governments of democratic nations to use your good offices to put pressure on the regime on Ethiopia to respect human rights and release these two human rights activists unconditionally.

We ask all international human rights activists and concerned Ethiopians to publicize, as widely as possible, the news of this outrageous injustice by the regime in Ethiopia, condemning it in the strongest possible terms. Letters of protest may be sent to any or all of the international organizations asking them to demand for the immediate and unconditional release of Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demissie.

Insist on Zenawi’s regime to stop the threat against all civic society and human rights defenders in Ethiopia, as well as lifting all prohibitions preventing them to freely conduct their lawful and peaceful work towards building a democratic society,

Let us put our voice together to press the ruling regime in Ethiopia to respect the rights of human rights defenders and civil society to operate without fear of intimidation or reprisal.

Let us make sure that we take time this week to express our solidarity and campaign for the freedom of the jailed civic society and human rights defenders Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demissie.

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Text taken from previous solidarity call by Ethiopian Civic Consortium UK, posted on 29th February 2008, available below;
Solidarity week for Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demissie

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American Power and the Struggle for Democracy and against Terror in Africa

Dr. Berhanu Nega, Mayor-Elect of Addis Ababa,Ethiopia, former prisoner of concise and Economist.
From His Speech @Bucknell University, February, 2008


I. Introduction

It was a clear Thursday evening in March 2006 when two prison guards armed with their AK47’s called me outside my prison cell. The sky was full of beautiful sparkling stars. I and my colleagues in the Coalition for Unity and Democracy ( CUD) had been in prison already for five months by then. Since prisoners were herded inside their cells at about 5:30 every afternoon, we didn’t have a chance to see the stars at night. At the time I was in a warehouse converted into a prison cell with some 350 inmates, most of them common criminals. The guards told me to get dressed and cleaned up because I had “important” visitors waiting for me at the main prison office. Followed by my two escorts and enjoying the stars that I had not seen for months, I went to the office to meet these “unknown” guests. But, when I got to the office, I saw the familiar figures of Vicky Huddleston, the Charges d’ Affaires for the U.S. Embassy along with her young assistant and the French Ambassador. Since we all knew each other from previous meetings and Embassy functions, we shared a few pleasantries before we started with the more serious business that brought them to the Kaliti prison.
I was happy to see them initially, thinking that the West had finally seen the madness of the Meles Zenawi government and might be looking for a negotiated way out of the political crisis. Even after these five months in prison, the political instability had continued unabated and some important small rural towns in Oromia were being rocked by demonstrations. I knew the U.S. was nervous about the instability and wished it to end. What I didn’t know was how far they were willing to go in pushing the government to clean up its act and respect its own laws, since that was really what was at issue here.

Congressional Record Statement of Senator Russ Feingold

Congressional Record Statement of Senator Russ Feingold
On the Political Crisis in Ethiopia

March 3, 2008

Mr. President, I rise today to discuss the political situation in Ethiopia. The US-Ethiopian partnership is an incredibly important one – perhaps one of the more significant on the continent given not only our longstanding history but also the increasingly strategic nature of our cooperation in recent years. Ethiopia sits on the Horn of Africa – perhaps one of the roughest neighborhoods in the world, with Somalia a failed state and likely safe haven for terrorists, Eritrea an inaccessible authoritarian regime that exacerbates conflicts throughout the region, Sudan a genocidal regime, and now Kenya descending into crisis. By contrast, Ethiopia seems relatively stable with its growing economy and robust poverty reduction programs.

Indeed, one look at the deteriorating situation on the Horn of Africa and it is clear just how essential our relationship with Ethiopia really is. Unfortunately, the Bush Administration’s approach to strengthening and building bilateral ties with Ethiopia has been short-sighted and narrow. As in other parts of the world, the Administration’s counter-terrorism agenda dominates the relationship, while poor governance and human rights concerns get a pass.

Mr. President, genuine democratic progress in Ethiopia is essential if we are to have a healthy and positive bilateral relationship. We can not allow a myopic focus on one element of security to obscure our understanding of what is really occurring in Ethiopia. Rather than place our support in one man, we must invest in Ethiopia’s institutions and its people to create a stable, sustainable political system. As we are seeing right now in Kenya, political repression breeds deep-seated resentment, which can have destructive and far-reaching consequences. The United States and the international community can not support one policy objective at the expense of all others. To do so not only hurts the credibility of America and the viability of our democratic message, but it severely jeopardizes our national security.

Mr. President, I am seriously concerned about the direction Ethiopia is headed – because according to many credible accounts, the political crisis that has been quietly growing and deepening over the past few years may be coming to a head. For years, faced with calls for political or economic reforms, the Ethiopian government has displayed a troubling tendency to react with alarmingly oppressive and disproportionate tactics.

For example, Mr. President, in 2003, we received reports of massacres of civilians in the Gambella region of Ethiopia, which touched off a wave of violence and destruction that has yet to truly loosen its grip on the region. At that time, hundreds of lives were lost, tens of thousands were displaced, and many homes, schools, and businesses throughout the area were destroyed. Credible observers agree that Ethiopian security forces were heavily involved in some of the most serious abuses and more than 5 years later no one has been held accountable and there have been no reparations.

The national elections held in May 2005 were a severe step back for Ethiopia’s democratic progress. In advance of the elections, the Ethiopian Government expelled representatives of the three democracy-promotion organizations supported by USAID to assist the Ethiopian election commission, facilitate dialogue among political parties and election authorities, train pollwatchers, and assist civil society in the creation of a code of conduct. This expulsion was the first time in 20 years that a government has rejected such assistance, and the organizations have still not returned to Ethiopia because they do not feel an environment exists where they can truly undertake their objectives.

Despite massive controversy surrounding the polls, it is notable that opposition parties still won an unprecedented number of parliamentary seats. Their pursuit of transparency and democracy was again thwarted, however, when they tried to register their concerns about the election process. In one incident, peaceful demonstrations by opposition members and their supporters in Ethiopia’s capital of Addis Ababa were met with disproportionate and lethal force that killed more than 30 people and injured over 100. In another incident, the Ethiopian government arrested thousands of peacefully protesting citizens who took to the streets in support of the opposition.

The systemic nature of this crackdown was revealed in credible reports coming from the Oromia and Amhara regions that federal police were unacceptably threatening, beating and detaining opposition supporters. Indeed, international human rights groups documented that regional authorities were exaggerating their concerns about armed insurgency and “terrorism” to try to justify the torture, imprisonment and sustained harassment of critics and even ordinary citizens.

This tendency to portray political dissent as extremist uprisings has been repeated more recently with regards to what is being characterized by some as a brutal counterinsurgency operation led by Ethiopia’s military in the Ogaden, a long-neglected region that borders Somalia. Certainly I recognize the serious security concerns in this region, made worse by the porous borders of the failed state just a stone’s throw away.

But it is precisely because Ethiopia is our partner in the fight against al Qaeda, its affiliates and allies, Mr. President, that I am so concerned about what I understand to be a massive military crackdown that does not differentiate between rebel groups and civilians. While I am sure there are few clean hands when it comes to fighting in the Ogaden region, the reports I have received about the Ethiopian government’s illicit military tactics and human rights violations are of great concern.

I have been hearing similar reports of egregious human rights abuses being committed in Somalia, about which I am gravely concerned. When I visited Ethiopia just over a year, I urged the Prime Minister not to send his troops into Somalia because I thought it might make instability there worse, not better. Tragically, more than a year later, it seems my worst fears have been realized as tens of thousands of people have fled their homes, humanitarian access is at an all time low, and there are numerous reports of increasing brutality towards civilians caught in the crossfire. In the interest of its own domestic security, Ethiopia is contributing to increased regional instability.

Mr. President, what troubles me most is that the reports of Ethiopia’s military coming out of the Ogaden and Mogadishu join a long list of increasingly repressive actions taken by the Ethiopian government. The Bush Administration must not turn a blind eye to the aggressive – and recurring – tactics being utilized by one of our key allies to stifle dissent.

I certainly welcome the role the Bush Administration has played in helping to secure the release of many -- although not all -- of the individuals thrown in jail in the aftermath of the 2005 elections. I welcome the Embassy’s engagement with opposition members and their efforts to encourage Ethiopian officials to create more political space for alternative views, independent media, and civil society. These are all important steps Mr. President, but they do not go far enough.

The Administration’s efforts at backroom diplomacy, Mr. President, are not working. I understand and respect the value of quiet diplomacy, but sometimes we reach the point where such a strategy is rendered ineffective – when private rhetorical commitments are repeatedly broken by unacceptable public actions. For example, recent reports that the Ethiopian government is jamming our Voice of America radio broadcasts should be condemned in no uncertain terms, not shrugged off.

The Bush administration must live up to its own rhetoric in promoting democracy and human rights by making it clear that we do not – and will not -- tolerant the Ethiopian government’s abuses and illegal behavior. It must demonstrate that there are consequences for the repressive and often brutal tactics employed by the Ethiopian government, which are moving Ethiopia farther away from – not closer to – the goal of becoming a legitimate democracy and are increasingly a source of regional instability.

Mr. President, I’m afraid that the failure of this Administration to acknowledge the internal crisis in Ethiopia is emblematic of its narrow-minded agenda, which will have repercussions for years to come if not addressed immediately. Worse yet, without a balanced US policy that addresses both short- and long-term challenges to stability in Ethiopia, we run the risk of contributing to the groundswell of proxy wars rippling across the Horn – whether in Somalia, eastern Sudan, or even the Ogaden region. And those wars, in turn, by contributing to greater insecurity on the Horn and providing opportunities for forces that oppose U.S. interests, pose a direct threat to our own national security as well.

I yield the floor.

Dr. YACOB HAILE MARIAM: RECONCILIATION WITHIN KINIJIT LEADERSHIP IS A MUST

By Kirubel Tadesse: Capital

Dr. Yakob Hailemariam, a former UN prosecutor and one of the key figures of the former Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP) during the May 2005 elections, stated that reconciliation between the Hailu Shaul and Birtukan Medkisa’s group is not only a likely option but a must ,considering the consequences if talks fail.
In an exclusive interview he gave Capital, Dr. Yakob said that he is hoping for reconciliation because what is at stake is the future of Ethiopia and there isn’t anything that shouldn’t come before the interest of the country and the people. Talking about the current state of the political process in Ethiopia, Dr. Yakob explained to Capital that twenty five million people, who voted for the former CUDP, have been disfranchised because of the decision of giving ‘CUD’ label to an individual who doesn’t represent the party.
Explaining about the international diplomatic community’s role in the May 2005 election, Dr. Yakob said that they did they best they could. “Perhaps they couldn’t do much, after all this is a sovereign country and in fact, at one point, the P.M had said ‘Uncle Sam can go to hell’” added Dr. Yakob,” I think they did their best but the government was adamant that it wouldn’t give on any of its positions or to any negotiation.”
Further explaining the role of the European Union and the American government, Dr. Yakob stated that he believes that the European Union did the best under the circumstances. “As it is to be recalled, after we were arrested, they demanded the unconditional release of the detainees which Amnesty International classified as political prisoners. They even applied some sticks,” said Dr. Yakob,” the Americans from the beginning made it very clear that the legal process should be expedited and that the trial should be undertaken quickly, knowing the kind of the courts we had.”
Further pointing out the American role,” The Americans of course, are out to protect their own interest and definitely this preceded our right to being released. They didn’t demand our unconditional release like the Europeans,” stated Dr. Yakob,” One of the pillars of the foreign policy of the American government is protection of human rights and they didn’t meet that obligation. They sacrificed the protection of human rights in Ethiopia to their interest in fighting terrorism. So the Americans were, right from the very beginning looking out for their interest at our expenses. Even it was no obligation with out compromising their interest; they could have made some dents in the protection of human rights and in the release of political prisoners. I don’t think Americans have been faithful to their creed when it comes to Ethiopia. “
Ambassador Vicki Huddleston, the US Ambassador to Ethiopia during the May 2005 election, told Capital that at the time she felt that the US and the European Community had done everything possible to bring the two sides together.
“Suspicion and public posturing overcame the negotiations with the return of Hailu Shawel,” stated the former acting Ambassador,” In retrospect both sides needed more time, more patience, and above all a greater willingness to compromise.” Ambassador Vicki added that her objective was to support the Government of Ethiopia in finding a way forward that would allow the Opposition to have a voice in governance and prepare the way for both more political space and economic growth.

The Human Rights Situation in Ethiopia

ETHIOPIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL

EHRCO stands for democracy, the rule of law and the respect of human rights

EHRCO
The Human Rights Situation in Ethiopia
29th Regular Report
January 2008
Introduction
The Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO) in this 29th regular report assesses the general human rights situation in the country. The human rights violations incorporated in this report have not been covered by any of EHRCO’s preceding reports issued until the end of December 2007, and are compiled based on complaints received from victims, evidence gathered through onsite investigations and testimonies of eyewitnesses.
Table 1 Human Rights Violations incorporated in the Report
No.
Type of violations
Extent of damage
Page
A
Extra judicial killings
17 (see the details of nine of them in section 2, page 29 and 31)
2
B
Beating and torture
16
4
C
Rape
1
9
D
Violation of the right to freedom of expression
1
9
E
Illegal detention
􀂃 Detained and released
Still under detention
244
59
185
9
F
Enforced disappearances
3
19
G
Threats and intimidation
3
19
H
Unlawful dismissal from job
24
20
I
Denial of justice
2
23
J
Enforced isolation from social life/property damage/looting
6 families
24
Part Two: Rights violations associated with ethnic conflicts
Killings, destruction of property, eviction, enforced isolation from social life, etc
26
1
Part One
Various forms of Human Rights Violations
A. Extra judicial killings
Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which Ethiopia has endorsed, provides that everyone has the right to life. Article 6(1) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to which Ethiopia is a party, states that every one has a natural right to life. Likewise, Article 15 of the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) also recognizes the right to life.
However, in violation of the aforementioned provisions of the country’s constitution and of international human rights instruments, the following persons have been killed.
On 5 August 2007 on the excuse that the day was the last day before the start of the fasting period for orthodox Christians, prison officials allowed alcohol to get into the premises of Mota Prison, East Gojjam Zone in the Amhara Region ignoring rules that prohibit the use of alcohol in prisons. In the festivities, the prisoners got drunk. At around 5:00 p.m., a brawl ensued between the inmates and the prison guards, and as result the following five inmates were killed. The families of the late victims reported to EHRCO that they were not allowed to take the bodies of their loved ones and they later heard that all five men had been buried in one grave. The details are presented below.
1. Bamlaku Azmeraw Worku: 29, He was from Amhara Regional State, East Gojjam Zone, Huleteju Enessie Woreda, Mota town, Sona Medhanealem Kebele Farmers’ Association. He was running a private business going to prison in 2006 suspected of killing a police officer. Hw was awaiting trial. On August 5, 2007, at about 5: 00p.m., he was shot and wounded by prison guard for allegedly trying to escape from prison. The prison guards kept on beating him with butt of the guns and truncheon until he died. He was then buried in the Mota Giorgis cemetery. Family members of the deceased reported to EHRCO that they were not allowed to take the body of late Bamlaku, and was buried with other four inmates killed in a similar account. Police have also refused to give back the personal effects of the deceased unless the family produced a letter from the Kebele stating that the deceased was killed because of his own fault. The mother of the deceased further reported that she put under detention for a day and were insulted and intimidated for asking the body of her son.
2. Yeshiwas Mekonnen : 50, He was from the Amhara Region, Ense-Sar Midir Woreda, Borebor Bete Midir Kebele. He was the head of a seven-member family, and member of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP).He was arrested for allegedly concealing firearms in his house. On August 5, 2007 at
2
about 5:00 p.m., he was shot dead by the prison guards for allegedly to escape from prison. His body was laid to rest in the same condition as the late Bamlaku (stated in No. 1 above). The family of the deceased reported to EHRCO that the prison administration refused to hand over the personal effects of the deceased to them unless they produced a letter from the Keble stating that the late Yeshiwas had died on his own fault.
3. Ambelu Gedefaw: 48, He was from Amhara Region, East Gojjam Zone, Enessie Sar Midir Woreda, Shewa Kebele Farmers’ Association. He was also a member of CUDP. In January 2006, he was shot by police and arrested for allegedly concealing firearms. On August 5, 2007, at about 5:00 p.m. he was shot dead by prison guards for allegedly trying to escape from prison. He was buried in the same condition as Bamlaku and Yeshiwas (No. 1 and 2 above). His family reported to EHRCO that the prison administration refused to hand over the deceased’s personal effects to them unless they produced a letter from the Kebele stating that Ambelu had died on his own fault.
4. Jemberu Yibeltal: 24,He was from Amhara Region, East Gojjam Zone, Enessie Sar Midir Woreda, Jan Gebeya Kebele Farmers’ Association. He was a member of CUDP, and arrested being accused of hiding firearms. On August 5,2007, at around 5:00p.m. , he was shot dead by prison guards for allegedly trying to escape from prison. His family reported to EHRCO that, he was buried in a similar condition as the other victims mentioned above. They also said that the prison administration refused to hand over the personal effects of the deceased to them unless they produced letter from the Kebele stating that the Jemberu had died on his own fault.
5. Nigat Settie: He was from Amhara Regional State, East Gojjam Zone, Enessie Sar Midir Woreda, Yizana Kebele Farmers’ Association. He was in Mata prison for reasons EHRCO was unable to establish for the time being. On August 5, 2007, at about 5:00p.m., he was shot dead by prison guards for allegedly trying to escape. As his family reported to EHRCO, he was buried in the same conditions and in the same grave with the other victims mentioned above.
6. Zerihun Abate: 17 He was a resident of Oromia Region, East Wollega Zone, Guto Wayu Woreda, Nekemt town, Kebele 09. On 29 April 2007 at about midnight, he was shot by a police officer on his chest and died instantly. Although the killer was put under control, he was not formally charged by the time this report was being compiled.
7. Aregash Gebremariam (F): 45, She was a resident of Somali region Jijiga town. On August 17, 2007 she was brutally stabbed to death by a member of the Somali ethnic group who had a long-standing claim to the house she was living in. The deceased reported the threats to her life several times to the kebele office as well as to the police but nether acted in time to prevent
3
her death. After her death her house was broken into in the night of 3 September 2007 and property belonging to her was looted. After this incident her family, reported the house breaking to the police and requested the police to seal off the house to prevent further break in. The region’s Police Commission wrote a letter to the kebele to seal off the house as per the request of the owners but kebele officials refused to comply with the order saying that the letter should have come from the Regional Council, not from the police. IT was learnt that the killer was not apprehended and brought to justice by the time this report was being compiled.
8. Ehite Getahun (F): She was a resident of Somali regional state, Jijiga town, On August 17, 2007, she was stabbed to death along with the late Aregash (No. 7 above) by the same assailant.
B.

ETHIOPIA | Trends in Conflict and Cooperation

The EPRDF continues to dominate the political landscape, while the legal opposition is on the defensive driven
by internal conflict and suffering from the absence of a clear vision and strategy on how to effectively confront the
ruling party. While the government has toughened its stand on its dealings with the legal opposition, the run-up to
the local, district and by-elections for the Addis Ababa Council and the parliament scheduled for next year already
has began amid vociferous complaints by the opposition of unfair treatment. Internal and external actors had put
pressure on the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) and on the government to reform the electoral law as a
precondition for fair elections in the future, but it seems that yet again the electoral process will only exacerbate
the conflicts between the government and its political opponents.
The internal split of CUD representatives in national parliament continued to fester with the leadership of both
factions resorting to the courts to win official recognition as the leadership of the party. Long-simmering conflicts
among the released CUD leaders openly erupted during their long tour abroad in North America and Europe. The
released leaders not only failed to resolve differences between the two wings of the external leadership but
became fractured into two bitterly opposed factions each aligned with one of the external factions. One faction is
led by Hailu Shawl, chairman of the CUD, and the other by CUD’s Vice-President Birtukan Mideksa and Berhanu
Nega. Underlying this split are personality issues but also different concepts on how to lead and to reunify the
CUD. The splits within the CUD "family," the political mud-slinging, and the whiff of a financial scandal deeply

Police shoot dead more protesters in day two of demos

By Standard Team

The toll of those whose lives were brutally brought to an end by police rose to more than 10, on another day of mass protests coupled with a drastic international response to the post-election crisis.

For the second day running, members of the ODM Pentagon protesting against the December 27 presidential election they say was rigged were dispersed with teargas and gunfire in Nairobi as police again resorted to force to subdue demonstrators.

Scenes of vicious police action were enacted in Kibera and Mathare slums in Nairobi, Kisumu, Narok, Homa Bay and Eldoret towns.

Protesters block a road leading to Kibera slums, in Nairobi, on Thursday.
Other places rocked by demonstrations included Voi, Mwatate, Taveta, Nakuru, Molo, Keringet and Litein, while Mombasa and Kakamega were relatively calm.

On Thursday, police again chased ODM leaders from central Nairobi and maintained a tight ring of officers around Uhuru Park to bar them from entering.

The officers teargassed members of the public in Nairobi streets, and clobbered people randomly — including lone passersby who seemingly posed no threat at all.

As police heightened their crackdown on demonstrators, the Government faced international pressure as the European Parliament said all European budgetary aid to Kenya should be frozen until the crisis over President Kibaki’s disputed election is solved.

Police condemned

In Nairobi, the Government faced severe censure and criticism from ODM leaders led by Mr Raila Odinga and from various groups for the brutality employed by police in dealing with the riots.

ODM accused police of arbitrary execution of peaceful demonstrators across the country and alleged that the party politicians were being targeted for assassination.

But Police Spokesman Eric Kiraithe, while denying that the force was using excessive force to quell mass protests, declined to comment on the assassination claims.

The accusations’ came in the wake of the mysterious murder of a driver for the Kasarani MP, Ms Elizabeth Ongoro, on Thursday.

And Police barred journalists from entering Kibera where more than 100 GSU officers descended into the slum’s alleys, firing bullets and teargas.

Journalists saw police officers beating up protesters with gun butts, kicking down doors and hurling teargas into houses.

Witnesses said they saw four bodies lying in the slum’s alleys.

In Mathare slums, two more people were shot dead.

The bodies were collected by police moments after the shooting, amid shouting from locals who accused them of extra-judicial killings.

Police shot dead another youth in Kisumu in a fresh flare-up, bringing the death toll in the battered lakeside town to six in under 24 hours.

Master Bernard Ochieng was shot dead next to the Kisumu Molasses Plant, where protesters used tyres and electricity poles to light bonfires barricading the

Kisumu–Busia Highway.

Kiraithe also confirmed that two more people had been shot in Kisumu as they reportedly tried to set ablaze oil tankers.

Tear gas in hospital

In Homa Bay, police chasing protesters threw teargas canisters into the district hospital while in Eldoret, a similar police attack was mounted against Moi Teaching and Referral Hospital.

Thick teargas smoke wafted through wards and offices at the Moi Teaching and Referral Hospital, choking patients.

A contingent of the GSU also opened fire from G3 rifles, sending over 500 patients, nurses, doctors and members of staff into panic.

Nurses and security staff also said the invading force was in GSU uniform but they did not communicate in Kiswahili and were also asking staff to identify their tribes.

Violent drama similar to that of Wednesday was re-enacted in Nairobi as anti-riot police teargassed some members of the ODM Pentagon and chased them out of town.

Fumes of teargas pervaded the CBD and gunfire rattled the centre of town as police chased away pedestrians caught unawares by the arrival in town of the ODM team.

ODM MPs Mr William Ruto, Mr Najib Balala, Mr Ayiecho Olweny and Mr Omingo Magara managed to drive up to Kimathi Street at about 2pm before tens of anti-riot police spotted them.

The four walked up to Wabera Street as a crowd started building up behind them, but were intercepted by Central Police Station OCPD Mr Titus Kilonzi, who saw them and shouted into his walkie talkie: "They are here!"

Anti-riot officers went running at them and hurled teargas at their feet. They also shot several rounds of live bullets over the MPs’ heads, with one empty catridge falling just by Ruto’s shoes.

The leaders ran towards City Hall Way where they hopped into their vehicles. They were driven round to Kenyatta Avenue where Balala alighted, but he was met with a cloud of teargas hurled at him.

The ODM team drove back and alighted again near the Hilton Hotel, where they were joined by MPs Mrs Charity Ngilu, Mr Reuben Ndolo, Mr James Orengo and Mr Joe Nyagah.

Police charged at them again and dispersed a crowd that was milling around them. They jumped back into their cars and headed back to Pentagon House.

Chaos ensued in downtown Nairobi as anti-riot officers turned on crowds and chased them towards River Road.

Nairobi streets remained deserted as pedestrians scampered into buildings or ran to safety out town.

kenya in chaos

WHEN DICTATORS REFUSE TO ACCEPT THEIR DEAFET THIS WILL OCCUR. THE LIKES OF MELES ZENAWI SHOULD BE ACCOUNTABLE FOR THEIR BEHAVIOR.

Kenya's humanitarian crisis grows

familliar pictures??????? ETHIOPIA JUNE 2005

Kenya's humanitarian crisis grows

The UN says half a million Kenyans urgently need help


Enlarge Image

At least 180,000 people have been displaced by unrest as the humanitarian crisis grows after last week's disputed election in Kenya, say UN officials.
Some have been housed in makeshift camps while others have sought refuge in police stations or churches, fleeing violence that has claimed 350 lives.

In badly-affected western Kenya nearly all the refugees are hungry, and several children have died of exposure.

A top UN official in Nairobi says about 500,000 Kenyans need urgent help.

The latest developments came as anti-government protests fizzled out and the president said he might accept opposition demands for a fresh election, but only if ordered by a court.


See Kenya's ethnic divisions by province
The UN World Food Programme said it was struggling to get food to 100,000 hungry people forced to flee their homes in the Rift Valley area.


We are profoundly alarmed by the reports of incitement to racial hatred and the growing frictions between the different ethnic groups in Kenya

UN rights experts' statement


Can Tutu heal the wounds?
Diplomacy falters
In pictures: After the violence

The International Committee of the Red Cross issued an urgent appeal for more than £7m of aid.

The BBC's Karen Allen in the Rift Valley town of Eldoret, where at least 30 people were burned to death in a church this week, says 30,000 local people have been displaced.

Some 10,000 people there are seeking refuge in the compound of the cathedral of the Catholic Church, which is now spearheading local relief efforts.

A statement by a group of independent UN rights experts on Friday said: "We are profoundly alarmed by the reports of incitement to racial hatred and the growing frictions between the different ethnic groups in Kenya."

The officially-declared results of the 27 December presidential poll - giving victory to incumbent President Mwai Kibaki over opposition rival Raila Odinga - unleashed a wave of violence.

'Blackmail'

Protesters furious at alleged electoral fraud went on the rampage, killing scores of people and torching churches, businesses and homes.

The opposition Orange Democratic Movement party has laid down four conditions to resolve the political deadlock.


Kenya has been dogged by ethnic tensions since independence

They want Mr Kibaki to stand down as president; an international body appointed to adjudicate in the dispute; and in the meantime, a transitional authority established to oversee steps to condition four: a new presidential election in three months' time.

A Kenyan government spokesman, Alfred Mutua, said the opposition's three-month deadline smacked of "blackmail".

He told the BBC: "What we are clearly saying is that Kenya is not a banana republic, Kenya is not a war-torn country.

"We have court systems and laws and orders and what we are saying is that let things follow the procedures like they do in other countries with constitutions."

South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu met Mr Kibaki on Friday and said the president was not averse to the idea of a coalition.

In other developments:


Top US diplomat Jendayi Frazer arrived in Kenya for talks aimed at bringing the two sides together

The unrest hits Kenya's tourism as visitors cut short holidays


UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon urged calm in separate telephone conversations with Mr Kibaki and Mr Odinga

French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner said he believed the Kenyan elections had been rigged.
A massive security force presence on Friday prevented opposition demonstrators from holding a mass rally in central Nairobi but there were clashes in the eastern port of Mombasa and the western city of Kisumu.

Kenyan politics has been dogged by ethnic tensions since independence in 1963.

Mr Kibaki depends for support on the largest ethnic group, the Kikuyus, while the western Luo and Kalenjin groups - who seek greater autonomy - back Mr Odinga.

World leaders deplore chaos in Kenya

By Ben Agina

Several world leaders have reacted to the violence arising from the disputed presidential elections in Kenya.

According to Los Angeles Times, US President George Bush called on both President Kibaki and ODM leader Raila Odinga to reach a solution.

"It's very important for the people of Kenya to not resort to violence," Bush told Reuters news agency in an interview at the White House. "I believe that they have an opportunity to come together in some kind of arrangement that will help heal the wounds of a closely divided election."

State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said the U.S. was not prescribing what the solution should be.

"They do need to come together, they need to broker some political solution to the political crisis. . . . They are going to have to define that."

South African Nobel laureate Archbishop Desmond Tutu, one of the international figures trying to help mediate, said Kenya's stability had been damaged.

"This is a country that has been held up as a model of stability. This picture has been shattered. This is not the Kenya that we know," Tutu said in Nairobi.

And the Daily Telegraph reported that Prime Minister Gordon Brown has called for President Mwai Kibaki and the popular opposition leader, Raila Odinga, to work together to ease tensions.

"I want to see the possibility explored where they can come together in government," he told reporters.

"The reason is the violence must come to an end. There has been criticism of the election procedures. I think it is important all sides must recognise that by working together we can make progress."

David Miliband, the British Foreign Secretary, said both rival leaders had "major responsibilities" for the violence, and called on them to find "common ground" to heal their country's divisions.

"I very much hope that both Mr Odinga and President Kibaki will realise that actually there is nothing to be gained by either of them in pretending that this is cut and dried," he told BBC Radio 4's Today programme, adding that there was evidence of vote-rigging by both sides.

The Canadian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Maxime Bernier and Beverly J, Oda the International Co-operation Minister said: Ò Canadians are shocked at the horrific deaths of people taking refuge in an Eldoret Church as well as at the loss of life elsewhere in KenyaÓ.

They said Canada is very concerned about the number of Kenyans displaced in their own country because of violence and lawlessness.

The World Bank said on that the unrest threatened KenyaÕs impressive recent economic growth and poverty reduction, citing business leadersÕ estimates that the country was losing some $30 million a day.

And the ills here are hurting the entire region. Gas stations in Rwanda are now rationing fuel because their supply from Kenya has been cut.

In Uganda, Sudan and Congo, displaced people are running low on food because United Nations relief trucks cannot get past vigilante checkpoints.

''Production in places like Tanzania is slowing because materials that come from Kenya have not arrived. Kenya is the dynamo of this whole region," said Harvey Rouse, a diplomat for the European Union.

Mr. Rouse spoke from a hill overlooking an enormous slum where the police were battling protesters.

Somali insurgency to intensify

The military wing of Somalia's Islamist movement plans to intensify its offensive against government troops and their Ethiopian allies, a senior commander said on Sunday.

In his first comments to Reuters since going into hiding a year ago, Muktar Ali Robow said al-Shabab had killed nearly 500 Ethiopian soldiers and would fight until foreign troops left the Horn of Africa country.

"We are now planning to launch the most enormous attacks on the government and Ethiopian main positions. We will allow no foreign forces in our land," Robow said in a phone interview.

"In the past days the infidel troops of Ethiopians along with their puppets and al-Shawab al-Mujahideen have fought heavily in Mogadishu. We have raided the enemies' military bases showering them with mortar shells," he said, referring to his "Movement of Young Mujahideen" faction.

Robow did not give away his location, but said he was in the southern Bay province of Somalia.

Also known as "Abu Mansoor", Robow was the Islamic Courts' deputy defence secretary before the movement that ruled Mogadishu and most of south Somalia for six months was ousted by allied Somali-Ethiopian forces in the New Year.

His al-Shabab has since spearheaded an Iraq-style insurgency, waging near-daily roadside bombings, grenade attacks and shootings against government and Ethiopian positions.

The conflict has killed 6 000 civilians this year, according to a local human rights group, and forced hundreds of thousands to abandon their homes and livelihoods in what the United Nations calls Africa's worst humanitarian crisis.

Support
Robow said Somalis backed the insurgency and denied reports his fighters were shelling Mogadishu's main Bakara market.

"We are financially and morally supported by the population," he said. "We have the people's allegiance. We would never shell Bakara. But the Ethiopians know that the market is the main source of revenue for the Somali people. They needed justifications to destroy that source."

Robow also dismissed reports al-Shabab had recruited boy soldiers to fight. "It is not Islamic, even our Prophet, Muhammad ... did not send youngsters to jihad. We do not arm children with bombs or grenades to go into a war."

Robow dismissed as "lies" a report by Ethiopian Information Minister Berhan Hailu that 75 al-Shabab fighters were killed in a surprise attack on their secret hideout this week.

He urged new Prime Minister Nur Hassan Hussein to quit and said his group's intention was to rule Somalia by sharia law.

"When we force Ethiopia to withdraw its troops from our country, its traitors will follow and the people will be able to embrace an Islamic government," he said.

"Democracy is not right. They call it democracy when a man marries another man and a woman marries another woman. How can such things be allowed to happen?"

The Somalia Islamic Courts Council (Sicc) had run widely despised warlords, who enjoyed United States backing, out of Mogadishu in June 2006 with decisive victories.

Many Somalis credited Robow's Sicc with bringing a semblance of order to the capital Mogadishu. But its attempts to enforce strict sharia law in the moderate Muslim country drew rumblings of discontent after they banned Bollywood films and khat, a mild narcotic leaf chewed throughout the Horn.

Somalia has been plagued by anarchy since warlords toppled military dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991. The interim government's efforts to restore central rule have largely been paralysed by infighting and the Islamist-led insurgency. - Reuters

Bomb wounds 12 soldiers near Somali Parliament

15 December 2007 03:48

A roadside bomb wounded at least 12 Somali soldiers in Baidoa and two people were killed in violence in Mogadishu on Saturday.

The attacks in the capital and the south-central town hosting Somalia's Parliament came after two days of fighting in Mogadishu between allied Somali-Ethiopian forces and Islamist insurgents.

"A remote-controlled roadside bomb targeted a military pick-up truck," said police officer Aden Moalim in Baidoa. "At least 12 soldiers guarding the road to parliament, including one Ethiopian, were hurt."

In the capital, two people died after grenades were hurled at government troops patrolling Bakara Market, triggering a gun battle.

A local journalist who asked not to be named said he saw the insurgents execute one blindfolded captive during the clash while the second victim was killed by crossfire.

"I and a few other people witnessed the killing of a blindfolded man who was shot dead by six young men armed with pistols," the journalist said. "Some people were saying the man was suspected of spying for government forces."

A police spokesperson said several weapons caches had been seized since Friday during government operations in Bakara, which contains an open-air weapons bazaar.

Four suspected insurgents were killed on Friday after being seen firing mortars, he said, and several others were arrested.

At least 25 people have been killed in the capital since Thursday when mortar bombs damaged parts of Bakara and sustained fighting broke out in other parts of the city. Many Somalis say the insurgents -- remnants of a hardline sharia courts groups chased out of the city a year ago -- have become increasingly confident in recent months while the interim government has been hobbled by infighting.

The government says the rebels are backed by 4 500 foreign jihadists from Afghanistan, Chechnya and the Middle East.

Fighting in Mogadishu has killed nearly 6 000 civilians this year and uprooted about 720 000 more, a local rights group says. The United Nations says the humanitarian crisis in Somalia is Africa's worst. - Reuters 2007

Partial list of Meles Zenawi's Crimes - From file

2007:
According to U.N. reports on Ogaden, EPEDF is committing the Worst Humanitarian Crisis in Africa. Persistent and
reliable reports emanating from the Ogaden region of Ethiopia clearly affirmed the alarming state of human rights abuse
in the whole area. The reports show that the security and armed forces of the EPRDF have carried out arbitrary killings
and numerous arrests grossly violating the human rights of the people in the region.
2005:
Members of an Ethiopian inquiry team charged with investigating violent mass demonstration following the May 2005
elections and separate protests about ballot fraud in November 2005 announced that 193 civilians were killed by
Ethiopian security forces during the violence, nearly three times the official number reported by the government. Zenawi
reportedly told the inquiry team to alter its report in July, just two days before the group had planned to present its
findings to the Ethiopian Parliament. At least two members of the 10-person panel have since fled from Ethiopia.
Furthermore, over 100 journalists, lawmakers and human rights activists were initially charged with treason following the
mass protests in 2005 even though some have been granted amnesty by EPRDF

Ethiopia expels UK, Australian aid staff

ADDIS ABABA, Dec 7 (Reuters) - Ethiopia has expelled an Australian and a Briton working for Save the Children UK on accusations of diverting food aid to rebels in the troubled Ogaden region, officials and aid sources said on Friday.

The Ethiopian army has this year been carrying out an offensive against the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) rebel movement in the remote eastern region bordering Somalia.

Several aid organisations were ordered out in July, but the Ethiopian government has since then relaxed restrictions, and licensed the United Nations and 19 agencies to work there amid fears of a humanitarian crisis fuelled by the fighting.

Government sources said the pair had abused their position.

"The two foreigners were expelled because they were involved in an attempt to divert food aid to rebels," one told Reuters.

The worst-hit areas in the conflict have been the most difficult for aid workers to access.

Save the Children -- which has been working in Ethiopia since 1932, and runs education, livestock and sanitation projects in Ogaden -- gave no version of events on Friday.

But aid workers in Addis Ababa confirmed the pair's exit.

"They have been working in Ogaden on business visas, but were then refused additional work permits and asked to leave," said one humanitarian worker, who asked not to be named. (Reporting by Barry Malone and Tsegaye Tadesse; Editing by Andrew Cawthorne and Catherine Evans)

Quebec family accused of human trafficking wants RCMP apology

A Laval couple is demanding a public apology from the RCMP after they were arrested earlier this year in what the Mounties called Canada's first case of human trafficking.

All charges laid against Nichan Manoukian and his wife, Manoudshag Saryboyadjian, were dropped Thursday following an investigation into their alleged exploitation of their Ethiopian nanny.

The Quebec Crown said it was dropping charges against the couple based on the appearance of new facts.

The good news was little consolation to the couple, who said they were treated as though they were already guilty. "[Police] took our mug shots with numbers as though we were criminals," Manoukian said.

The couple maintained their nanny was treated like a member of the family throughout the eight years she worked for them — in Quebec and in Lebanon.

The nanny went out when she wanted, used the phone as much as she liked, had the keys to the front door and knew the code to the burglar alarm, Saryboyadjian said Friday.

The high-profile investigation exacted a toll on the couple, who are subject to dirty stares in public, Saryboyadjian said. "This story has taken 10 years off our life," she said.

A public apology could start the mending the family needs now, she said.

The couple was arrested in May when the RCMP held a news conference to explain the charges against the couple.

The Mounties alleged the Ethiopian nanny was practically a slave. "She couldn't get out, she couldn't have access to her papers, and the only time she could get out was with the couple, the persons who hired her," said Const. Magdala Turpin at the time.

The RCMP insists it was just doing its job when it followed up in its investigation.

The nanny — whose name hasn't been released — received refugee status shortly after the allegations were made, the couple's lawyer said.

Canadian inmate sues Ethiopian government

Nov 27, 2007 04:30 AM
Debra Black
Staff Reporter


A Canadian citizen who has been detained in Ethiopia for the past 10 months without being charged is suing the government there and its officials for "violations of international law, assault, battery, false arrest and false imprisonment."

The statement of claim, which was filed in Ontario's Superior Court of Justice late last week, names Warqine Gabayo, the head of the Ethiopian police, and Taadese Masareti, the head of the prison where Bashir Makhtal is being detained.

The suit claims that Ethiopia "is illegally holding" Makhtal and is "subjecting him to torture and other forms of cruel and inhumane treatment." According to the statement of claim, Makhtal has been held "incommunicado" for more than nine months, and he has not been charged with any offence. Nor has he been brought before a court of law.

His rights to legal counsel and adequate access to the consular protection of Canada have also been denied, the suit says.

"He has been denied his fundamental rights under international, Ethiopian and Canadian law," according to the suit.

The suit adds Makhtal was also "subject to frequent interrogations during which he has been subjected to torture and cruel and inhumane treatment. He was also forced to videotape a false confession under the coercion of the Ethiopian authorities. The false confession was broadcast on the television in Ethiopia."

The suit also alleges that Makhtal's family, many of whom remain in Ethiopia, have been detained, arrested and subjected to torture and coercion to force them to implicate him.

None of the allegations in the lawsuit has been proven in a court of law.

Vancouver Welcomes Debebe Eshetu

Vancouver Welcomes Debebe Eshetu

Vancouver Welcomes Debebe Eshetu

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=czVu5ZQ9PKc

TORONTO ROCKS WITH KINIJIT FEVER

WHEN: NOVEMBER 3, 2007
WHERE: 84 TYCOS DR.
ST'MARYS ETHIOPIAN
ORTHODOX CHURCH
TIME 2PM ........2AM
FUNDRAISING WITH
THE TALENTED ACTOR COMEDIAN ABEBE BELEW
Grand Town Hall meeting
with Kinijit Leaders

The Honorable Birtukan Midekssa
The Hounorable Gizachew Shiferaw

The Famous Comedian Actor
&
Head of Public Relation CUD
Debebe Eshetu

SUPPORT THE PEOPLES REPRESENTATIVE
SAY YES TO DEMOCRACY
GO CUD GO

Ethiopia in the Third Millennium—Forward or backward?

By Mr. Obang Metho / October 6, 2007

The celebrations of the Ethiopian Third Millennium going on all over the world have ended, but we still have reason to celebrate! Why? Just this past month, the recently released Kinijit leaders began a tour of the United States, Australia, Africa, Canada and Europe, speaking to thousands of excited Ethiopians in the Diaspora who are hoping that there will now be strong guidance towards stopping the oppression of the people in Ethiopia and instead bringing true freedom, justice, equality and peace to the nation.

Just this week, the U.S. House of Representatives unanimously passed the bill HR2003 which will directly connect the receipt of financial aid and diplomatic privileges with the upholding of human rights and democracy within the country. This was accomplished despite the alleged huge financial investment Meles and the EPRDF made to the lobbying firm, D.L. Piper, to block the bill’s passage.

More cause for celebration was given when on the same day and close to the same time of the vote on HR2003, Kinijit leaders and an Ogadeni human rights representative were given the opportunity to testify before The House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health, “The Human Rights and Humanitarian Situation in the Horn of Africa: The Cases of Somalia and the Ogaden Region of Ethiopia”

All of these successes can be seen as a great advancement in the struggle, but it is not a time to sit back and rest. There is major work still to be done and we cannot stand by and be spectators, waiting for others to do it for us. Instead, we all must get ready for what may be the most difficult part of our battle for a new Ethiopia—a movement of united people—representative of all Ethiopians—that will bring about the Ethiopia we want for tomorrow. Right now, the celebrations must be quieted and the difficult work of transformation must begin. May God be our leader, guide and protector as each of us humbly carries out whatever our part might be.

Our success, if we are to achieve it, is about all of us doing our share, contributing to the whole, if we are to find our way out of the “valley of the shadow of death” that now encompasses all of Ethiopia. That valley is like a maze that brings us into unknown regions. If we Ethiopians are currently going to find our way out of such dark confusion, it will require the eyes of the Afar, the ears of the Ogadeni, the legs of the Gurage, the hands of the Tigray, the shoulders of Oromo, the head of the Berta, the feet of the Amhara, the arms of the Sidamo, the mouth of the Anuak……and the hearts of each of us to make it safely and completely to the other side. Then we will have cause to celebrate. Until then, our people remain in jeopardy.

Tremendous atrocities—what some now call a genocide—are being perpetrated against the Ogadenis. This is going on today and is a silent Darfur that we must do more than our best to stop before the lives and livelihood of these fellow Ethiopians are destroyed. This should be cause for outrage for all of us. This government’s poison has crossed the border into Somalia and the people there are suffering similarly at the hands of Meles and those under his command. We must speak up for them as well as people of moral courage who are against such evil or we may be found culpable at some later date.

Besides the ongoing human rights abuses and the suppression of the people by Meles, many areas of our country have been victims of natural disasters. Reportedly, 200,000 Ethiopians, from Gambella to Amhara have been affected by the recent flooding—many being displaced or losing their homes, crops and property. To add to this cause of misery, the rate of inflation has been climbing at record speed, causing such hardship that more and more people cannot afford the basics to survive.

We have seen recent reports that more and more educated Ethiopians, in particular, those in the medical and health professions, are leaving the country for better opportunity elsewhere, leaving an already crippled health system, even worse off than before even though Mr. Meles Zenawi, says Ethiopia does not need doctors!

Now, with all of these realities, we should know that if this bill, HR#2003, goes to the Senate and becomes law, we can be thankful for what it will accomplish and should heartily congratulate those who worked so hard on this, but please know that the struggle is not over.

More importantly, it is critical to recognize that we need the average Ethiopian, not only the politicians, to make themselves available to contribute to creating a better Ethiopia for those who follow us. Ethiopians need to regroup and reorganize. Like when nature struck, it affected seven regions of the country, making it important to work together because what is happening is affecting many of us. Ethiopians on the ground must do the work because we know outsiders have their own interests.

For instance, with Burma, as the monks courageously stood up this past week and said enough to a tyrannical government, it is Ethiopians who must do the same in our own country. If there is a message to the people of Ethiopia it is to be ready to not be a spectator but instead to become an active participant.

The Ethiopian problem cannot be solved by one political party, but will require all of us. They deserve our gratefulness for starting this struggle, but now, it will require all groups to come together because one group cannot do it by themselves. Yet, the Kinijit can take a strong stand by reaching out to all Ethiopian organizations. In fact, the most effective way to go forward is with unity, even more than democracy.

For Ethiopians to succeed, problems within organizations, not only within the Kinijit, should be quickly resolved and then each should start by reaching out to others to be coalition builders. Insulting each other, infighting, backbiting and rumormongering will only hold back the new millennium hopes for a new Ethiopia. Instead, it will be through tolerance, putting aside one’s personal interests, agendas and resentments that we will be able to move on. In the meantime, let us remain calm, but persevering in our goals and reflect on some of our strengths as well as the obstacles we must overcome.

Our country is unique and gifted with an ancient history dating back over 3000 years. We are the second largest country in Africa in terms of population, now around 80 million. We host the headquarters of the African Union. We have a reputation for being able to live in peace and harmony with Christians, Muslims, Jews and Animists.

Yet, unfortunately, when many people of the world think of Ethiopia, they are still reminded of images of famine, beggars and starving children. Someone on American radio has even referred to one of the poorest states in America, Louisiana—after Hurricane Katrina, as being “the Ethiopia of the United States.” What an embarrassing comparison.

Our standing on most every survey of how we are doing as a society, rates us near to the bottom in the world, thanks to the EPRDF who cannot even admit our dire situation. Instead, they perpetually exaggerate progress by boasting that things are improving in the country when we know how bad things really are.

Where there is development, huge debts are being incurred, robbing the future away from our Ethiopian youth of tomorrow who will be expected to pay it off. As we face the advent of the Third Ethiopian Millennium, it is high time to soberly consider where we are today and what we must do to give our descendents increased freedom, justice, equality, opportunity and prosperity in the future.

Yet, it is hard not to be excited about the recent release of the Kinijit Opposition Party leaders, journalists, human rights activists and now 18, 000 more Ethiopians (still not all) from all over the country who have been detained for months or years even though Meles had previously denied there were any political prisoners in the country. One might wonder where these 18, 000 or more prisoners came from!

As some of them are now visiting Ethiopians in the Diaspora, we can be extremely grateful to them for so quickly organizing a political movement before the May 2005 National Election that brought together so many different groups under one umbrella of the CUDP. It was in many ways, a miracle that no one, even them, expected! Even though most of us knew that Meles was a repressive dictator, we were surprised when he risked his reputation as “a new breed of African leader,” to become “one of the most vicious dictators” according to both Congressman Chris Smith and Congressman Donald Payne, made public in recent statements, by openly hijacking the election, killing 197 Ethiopian protestors and forcing the Opposition leaders and countless others to be detained in the prisons of our country.

US targets Ethiopia for sanctions

US congressmen are defending a bill threatening to impose sanctions on Ethiopian officials and stop military aid unless democratic reforms are made.

Legislator Donald Payne told the BBC the House of Representatives passed the bill "because there has been a serious problem with democracy in Ethiopia".

Ethiopia's ambassador to the US criticised the proposal saying it would "undermine regional stability".

Ethiopia is the US's strongest ally in the region in its "war on terror".

The legislation now passes to the Senate for approval and can be vetoed by the president.

Correspondents say Ethiopia has come in for increased criticism over its human rights record since the violent crackdown on post poll protests in 2005; opposition leaders imprisoned as a consequence have subsequently been released.

And since Ethiopia's went into Somalia last December to help the transitional government- a rebellion in its eastern Ogaden region which borders Somalia has escalated.

'Correct wrongdoings'

The US representatives approved the Ethiopian Democracy and Accountability Act on Tuesday, which puts Ethiopian government officials at risk of being denied entry visas over human rights violations.

It also threatens to withhold military aid of at least $1.5m

Mr Payne said the bill was bipartisan and secured unanimous approval.

"It's something that's been discussed ever since the killing of civilians, gunned down in the streets of Addis [Ababa] almost two years ago," the Democratic Congressman told the BBC's Network Africa.

"There was a feeling that Ethiopia, being an ally of the United States, should have an opportunity to correct some of the wrongdoings, and that has not happened.

"Two years later people are still being imprisoned. There's still problems in the Ogaden region. People are having food kept away from them. That's why we finally said we need to move forward with it."

Samuel Assefa, Ethiopia's ambassador to the US, called the bill "irresponsible" and said it would hamper efforts to improve things.

"The legislation also would undermine regional stability in the Horn of Africa by jeopardising vital security cooperation between the United States and Ethiopia," he said in a statement, Reuters news agency reports.

The BBC's Elizabeth Blunt in Addis Ababa says as Ethiopia is such a strong ally of the US in the Horn of Africa, it is unlikely that President George Bush's administratation will be sympathetic to the bill.

Gizaw

September 24.2007

The Six Pillars of Character Trustworthiness. Respect Responsibility. Fairness. Caring. Citizenship. The Six Pillars of Character are ethical values to guide our choices. The standards of conduct that arise out of those values constitute the ground rules of ethics, and therefore of ethical decision-making.There is nothing sacrosanct about the number six. We might reasonably have eight or 10, or more. But most universal virtues fold easily into these six. The number is not unwieldy and the Six Pillars of Character can provide a common lexicon. Why is a common lexicon necessary? So that people can see what unites our diverse and fractured society. So we can communicate more easily about core values. So we can understand ethical decisions better, our own and those of others. The Six Pillars act as a multi-level filter through which to process decisions. So, being trustworthy is not enough � we must also be caring. Adhering to the letter of the law is not enough � we must accept responsibility for our action or inaction. The Pillars can help us detect situations where we focus so hard on upholding one moral principle that we sacrifice another � where, intent on holding others accountable, we ignore the duty to be compassionate; where, intent on getting a job done, we ignore how.In short, the Six Pillars can dramatically improve the ethical quality of our decisions, and thus our character and lives. 1. TRUSTWORTHINESS When others trust us, they give us greater leeway because they feel we don't need monitoring to assure that we'll meet our obligations. They believe in us and hold us in higher esteem. That's satisfying. At the same time, we must constantly live up to the expectations of others and refrain from even small lies or self-serving behavior that can quickly destroy our relationships. Simply refraining from deception is not enough. Trustworthiness is the most complicated of the six core ethical values and concerns a variety of qualities like honesty, integrity, reliability and loyalty. Honesty There is no more fundamental ethical value than honesty. We associate honesty with people of honor, and we admire and rely on those who are honest. But honesty is a broader concept than many may realize. It involves both communications and conduct. Honesty in communications is expressing the truth as best we know it and not conveying it in away likely to mislead or deceive. There are three dimensions: Truthfulness. Truthfulness is presenting the facts to the best of our knowledge. Intent is the crucial distinction between truthfulness and truth itself. Being wrong is not the same thing as lying, although honest mistakes can still damage trust insofar as they may show sloppy judgment. Sincerity. Sincerity is genuineness, being without trickery or duplicity. It precludes all acts, including half-truths, out-of-context statements, and even silence, that are intended to create beliefs or leave impressions that are untrue or misleading. Candor. In relationships involving legitimate expectations of trust, honesty may also require candor, forthrightness and frankness, imposing the obligation to volunteer information that another person needs to know. Honesty in conduct is playing by the rules, without stealing, cheating, fraud, subterfuge and other trickery. Cheating is a particularly foul form of dishonesty because one not only seeks to deceive but to take advantage of those who are not cheating. It's a two-fer: a violation of both trust and fairness. Not all lies are unethical, even though all lies are dishonest. Huh? That's right, honesty is not and inviolate principle. Occasionally, dishonesty is ethically justifiable, as when the police lie in undercover operations or when one lies to criminals or terrorists to save lives. But don't kid yourself: occasions for ethically sanctioned lying are rare and require serving a very high purpose indeed, such as saving a life- not hitting a management-pleasing sales target or winning a game or avoiding a confrontation. Integrity The word integrity comes from the same Latin root as "integer," or whole number. Like a whole number, a person of integrity is undivided and complete. This means that the ethical person acts according to her beliefs, not according to expediency. She is also consistent. There is no difference in the way she makes decisions from situation to situation, her principles don't vary at work or at home, in public or alone. Because she must know who she is and what she values, the person of integrity takes time for self-reflection, so that the events, crises and seeming necessities of the day do not determine the course of her moral life. She stays in control. She may be courteous, even charming, but she is never duplicitous. She never demeans herself with obsequious behavior toward those she thinks might do her some good. She is trusted because you know who she is: what you see is what you get. People without integrity are called "hypocrites" or "two-faced." Reliability (Promise-Keeping) When we make promises or other commitments that create a legitimate basis for another person to rely upon us, we undertake special moral duties. We accept the responsibility of making all reasonable efforts to fulfill our commitments. Because promise-keeping is such an important aspect of trustworthiness, it is important to: Avoid bad-faith excuses. Interpret your promises fairly and honestly. Don't try to rationalize noncompliance. Avoid unwise commitments. Before making a promise consider carefully whether you are willing and likely to keep it. Think about unknown or future events that could make it difficult, undesirable or impossible. Sometimes, all we can promise is to do our best. Avoid unclear commitments. Be sure that, when you make a promise, the other person understands what you are committing to do. Loyalty Some relationships � husband-wife, employer-employee, citizen-country - create an expectation of allegiance, fidelity and devotion. Loyalty is a responsibility to promote the interests of certain people, organizations or affiliations. This duty goes beyond the normal obligation we all share to care for others. Limitations to loyalty. Loyalty is a tricky thing. Friends, employers, co-workers and others may demand that we rank their interests above ethical considerations. But no one has the right to ask another to sacrifice ethical principles in the name of a special relationship. Indeed, one forfeits a claim of loyalty when he or she asks so high a price for maintaining the relationship. Prioritizing loyalties. So many individuals and groups make loyalty claims on us that we must rank our loyalty obligations in some rational fashion. For example, it's perfectly reasonable, and ethical, to look out for the interests of our children, parents and spouses even if we have to subordinate our obligations to other children, neighbors or co-workers in doing so. Safeguarding confidential information. Loyalty requires us to keep some information confidential. When keeping a secret breaks the law or threatens others, however, we may have a responsibility to "blow the whistle." Avoiding conflicting interests. Employees and public servants have a duty to make all professional decisions on merit, unimpeded by conflicting personal interests. They owe ultimate loyalty to them public. 2. RESPECT People are not things, and everyone has a right to be treated with dignity. We certainly have no ethical duty to hold all people in high esteem, but we should treat everyone with respect, regardless of who they are and what they have done. We have a responsibility to be the best we can be in all situations, even when dealing with unpleasant people. The Golden Rule � do unto others as you would have them do unto you � nicely illustrates the Pillar of respect. Respect prohibits violence, humiliation, manipulation and exploitation. It reflects notions such as civility, courtesy, decency, dignity, autonomy, tolerance and acceptance. Civility, Courtesy and Decency A respectful person is an attentive listener, although his patience with the boorish need not be endless (respect works both ways). Nevertheless, the respectful person treats others with consideration, and doesn't resort to intimidation, coercion or violence except in extraordinary and limited situations to defend others, teach discipline, maintain order or achieve social justice. Punishment is used in moderation and only to advance important social goals and purposes. Dignity and Autonomy People need to make informed decisions about their own lives. Don't withhold the information they need to do so. Allow all individuals, including maturing children, to have a say in the decisions that affect them. Tolerance and Acceptance Accept individual differences and beliefs without prejudice. Judge others only on their character, abilities and conduct. 3. RESPONSIBILITY Life is full of choices. Being responsible means being in charge of our choices and, thus, our lives. It means being accountable for what we do and who we are. It also means recognizing that our actions matter and we are morally on the hook for the consequences. Our capacity to reason and our freedom to choose make us morally autonomous and, therefore, answerable for whether we honor or degrade the ethical principles that give life meaning and purpose. Ethical people show responsibility by being accountable, pursuing excellence and exercising self-restraint. They exhibit the ability to respond to expectations. Accountability An accountable person is not a victim and doesn't shift blame or claim credit for the work of others. He considers the likely consequences of his behavior and associations. He recognizes the common complicity in the triumph of evil when nothing is done to stop it. He leads by example. Pursuit of Excellence The pursuit of excellence has an ethical dimension when others rely upon our knowledge, ability or willingness to perform tasks safely and effectively. Diligence. It is hardly unethical to make mistakes or to be less than "excellent," but there is a moral obligation to do one's best, to be diligent, reliable, careful, prepared and informed. Perseverance. Responsible people finish what they start, overcoming rather than surrendering to obstacles. They avoid excuses such as, "That's just the way I am," or "It's not my job," or "It was legal." Continuous Improvement. Responsible people always look for ways to do their work better. Self-Restraint Responsible people exercise self-control, restraining passions and appetites (such as lust, hatred, gluttony, greed and fear) for the sake of longer-term vision and better judgment. They delay gratification if necessary and never feel it's necessary to "win at any cost." They realize they are as they choose to be, every day. 4. FAIRNESS What is fairness? Most would agree it involves issues of equality, impartiality, proportionality, openness and due process. Most would agree that it is unfair to handle similar matters inconsistently. Most would agree that it is unfair to impose punishment that is not commensurate with the offense. The basic concept seems simple, even intuitive, yet applying it in daily life can be surprisingly difficult. Fairness is another tricky concept, probably more subject to legitimate debate and interpretation than any other ethical value. Disagreeing parties tend to maintain that there is only one fair position (their own, naturally). But essentially fairness implies adherence to a balanced standard of justice without relevance to one's own feelings or inclinations. Process Process is crucial in settling disputes, both to reach the fairest results and to minimize complaints. A fair person scrupulously employs open and impartial processes for gathering and evaluating information necessary to make decisions. Fair people do not wait for the truth to come to them; they seek out relevant information and conflicting perspectives before making important judgments. Impartiality Decisions should be made without favoritism or prejudice. Equity An individual, company or society should correct mistakes, promptly and voluntarily. It is improper to take advantage of the weakness or ignorance of others. 5. CARING If you existed alone in the universe, there would be no need for ethics and your heart could be a cold, hard stone. Caring is the heart of ethics, and ethical decision-making. It is scarcely possible to be truly ethical and yet unconcerned with the welfare of others. That is because ethics is ultimately about good relations with other people. It is easier to love "humanity" than to love people. People who consider themselves ethical and yet lack a caring attitude toward individuals tend to treat others as instruments of their will. They rarely feel an obligation to be honest, loyal, fair or respectful except insofar as it is prudent for them to do so, a disposition which itself hints at duplicity and a lack of integrity. A person who really cares feels an emotional response to both the pain and pleasure of others. Of course, sometimes we must hurt those we truly care for, and some decisions, while quite ethical, do cause pain. But one should consciously cause no more harm than is reasonably necessary to perform one's duties. The highest form of caring is the honest expression of benevolence, or altruism. This is not to be confused with strategic charity. Gifts to charities to advance personal interests are a fraud. That is, they aren't gifts at all. They're investments or tax write-offs. 6. CITIZENSHIP Citizenship includes civic virtues and duties that prescribe how we ought to behave as part of a community. The good citizen knows the laws and obeys them, yes, but that's not all. She volunteers and stays informed on the issues of the day, the better to execute her duties and privileges as a member of a self-governing democratic society. She does more than her "fair" share to make society work, now and for future generations. Such a commitment to the public sphere can have many expressions, such as conserving resources, recycling, using public transportation and cleaning up litter. The good citizen gives more than she takes. Love Ethiopia