Ethiopian Canadians living in Toronto held a successful dinner gala dedicated to Birtukan Midekssa and all prisoners of conscience

Canadian Government is Concerned by Reports of worsening human rights abuse in Ethiopia.

The promotion and protection of Human Rights, and Democracy and the rule of law is an integral part of Canadian foreign policy guiding the conduct of our bilateral relations and positions we adopt in multilateral settings. The Government of Canada is concerned by reports of a worsening human rights situations and by increasing restrictions being placed on political space. Canada is committed to the development of a strong democracy in Ethiopia and encourages the government of Ethiopia to ensure equal opportunities for all political parties taking part in elections, particularly the up cumming federal elections in 2010. With respect to Ms. Birtukan's rearrest and imprisonment, Canada has officially expressed concerns to the government of Ethiopia on several occasions, in both Ottawa and Addis Ababa, and has urged the Government of Ethiopia to seek a resolution That will enable Ms. Birtukan to resume her political duties as the leader of political party.
To read the full letter press the link above.

Open Letter to Prime Minster Stephen Harper

Dear Prime Minister Stephen Harper:

I am contacting you to urge your government to take swift and urgent action regarding the recent sentencing of Bashir Ahmed Makhtal, a Canadian citizen, to life imprisonment by the Ethiopian government.

My name is Obang Metho. I am the Executive Director of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia(SMNE) a grassroots, non-violent and non-political social justice movement of diverse Ethiopians, many ofwhom are also citizens of Canada, who are seeking justice, the protection of life and liberty, reconciliation and
peace in Ethiopia as well as in the Horn of Africa because “no one is free until all are free!” I have been working with the Ogaden Human Rights Committee as well as with other human rights groups throughout Ethiopia and am well acquainted with the issues. It is outrageous that Mr. Makhtal has just received three charges related to membership in the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) despite the lack of
credible witnesses, as noted by human rights organizations following the trial. Mr. Makhtal’s main offense was “guilt by relationship,” a common offense in a country under authoritarian rule where there are thousands of political prisoners and where a perverted system of justice prevails—giving pervasive impunity to real perpetrators and harsh punishments to the innocent. It matters not a whit to this regime if the person they use is innocent if it suits their purposes. In this case,
Makhtal was a “treasure of opportunity” for them. Why? It not because of his guilt, but is because Mahtal is related to the founder of the ONLF—his grandfather! This carries a lot of weight in creating fear in the hearts of Ogadenis in Ethiopia who could capriciously be killed for only “looking” like someone who might be from
the ONLF or charged for being a family member of an ONLF member that cannot be found.
The truth is that within the Ogadeni community in Canada and abroad, it is well known that Makhtal has not been involved in politics. Instead, he was a businessman, buying and selling second-hand clothes; however, to this regime, he was a “prized tool” to use against the ONLF.

Another such person is Birtukan Mideksa, the opposition leader of the peaceful UDJ opposition party who was given a life sentence on a trumped up charge. Musician Teddy Afro was imprisoned under what most believe were false charges so as to silence the message in his music about freedom, unity and justice in Ethiopia.
As an advocate for human rights in Ethiopia, I am not alone in knowing the duplicitous nature of the Meles regime. The same Ethiopian military that brutally massacred 424 leaders from my own ethnic group in the Gambella region of southwestern Ethiopia in 2003, imprisoning many more on drummed up charges, while
denying their complicity, is unfortunately continuing to be carried out in large scale in the Ogaden.

Meles Zenawi has cleverly dubbed his own military’s well-documented (by Human Rights Watch and others)crimes against humanity, war crimes, massive atrocities, destruction of livelihood and possible genocide in the Ogaden area of Ethiopia, as “countering the insurgency.” A representative from UNHCR has in the past called it “a silent Darfur;” however, while Meles claims to be a partner with the West in the War on Terror,Ethiopians know him very well to be the most radical, “al Qaeda-like” terrorist to his own people. No wonder that so many have formed opposition groups against this government. As long as Meles calls those opposing him “terrorists,” the world seems to ignore the travesty they are carrying out. But when we Canadian Ethiopians speak of the innocent civilians who were killed, raped, tortured or imprisoned, we are not talking about numbers, we are talking about people and situations we know. One of those is Makhtal. He is not a terrorist. He is a productive Canadian citizen with a family. He has lived in Canada since he was only 11 years old. He has attended Canadian schools and has voted. Canadians should play a primary role in confronting this double-talk and demanding good governance, the respect of human rights, a free press, freedom of speech, a strong parliament, an independent judiciary, the release of the countless political prisoners and the opening up of the politicaL space. What has been hidden about the true nature of this regime is now impossible to hide. Canadians should expect far more in Ethiopia. Even the “baby steps” of past progress towards democracy have disappeared. We call on Canada to stop supporting this regime! We have all had enough of dictatorship in Ethiopia. Until our Ogadeni brothers and sisters are free, none of us is free! No longer will region, ethnicity, religion, language or culture divide us for we will “put humanity before ethnicity!”Canadian Ethiopians know best what is happening on the ground because we still have many connections there, including families. Canada should not be siding with a dictator, but should be on the side of people who are simply seeking the same rights they value in Canada. Ethiopians are not asking Canada to do the hard work, but instead they are asking you to remove those supports that continue to prop up this government. That support was intended to support genuine democracy, but democratic freedom is nowhere to be found in Ethiopia. Let Canadian taxpayer’s dollars be part of the solution, not a means to prolong a despot!

Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has been in power in Ethiopia for 18 years and will not give up power easily. He led an armed struggle prior to assuming power, during which he and his cronies were accused of committing many violent acts of terrorism; including kidnapping foreign humanitarian workers. Yet,because he was replacing a communist leader, he was able to win support from democratic countries because
he cleverly adopted the “democratic language” of the West, while covering up a pattern of “Stalin-like”systematic abuse against any who challenged him and the ruling party or any who would deny him access to natural resources.

During the last 18 years, he has fomented many ethnic conflicts within Ethiopia and has also become embroiled in multiple violent conflicts with neighboring countries, at times, allegedly aiding and abetting
violence between ethnic groups in other countries like Sudan, with the cooperation of Sudanese president,omar al-Bashir. His contribution to the destabilization and impoverishment of the Horn of Africa, a strategic area of geo-political importance, cannot be denied or ignored without grave consequences. Meles was one of the first to publicly defend al-Bashir and to speak out in condemnation of the warrant
issued by the ICC. He also stood with others in the African Union in joint defiance of the ICC’s indictment. Why? Most believe it is because he and his own government have also been implicated in a pattern of widespread perpetration of serious human rights atrocities throughout Ethiopia and into Somalia. On July 23, 2009, Genocide Watch requested the UN High Commissioner of Human Rights to initiate an investigation regarding the widespread incidence of gross human rights abuses in Ethiopia, including in the Ogaden as well as the massacre of the Anuak, which he said met the stringent definition of genocide.These violations must be stopped; not given the green light through financial aid from free countries like Canada.

Should not Canada defend its own citizens from known terrorist governments?
Why is the US working with the Swiss to release the three Americans in Iran; why has former President Bill Clinton worked to gain successful release of the journalists jailed in North Korea and why were the Swedes,Americans and Kenyans arrested in 2006 at the same time as Makhtal, released to their respective governments, when Makhtal is and was not?
Could Canada have not done more to gain the release of one of their own citizens? We are disappointed by this lack of action, but it is not too late to move ahead and to take a much stronger negotiating position with this corrupt government, using the multiple leverages available to exert pressure on this regime to release Makhtal
to Canadian custody.As a citizen of Canada and as the executive director of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia, I strongly urge you to re-examine Canadian support of this government. The Meles regime should be treated in the same way as Robert Mugabe’s regime in Zimbabwe and Omar al-Bashir of the Sudan, not catering to
terroristic governments and dictators. Can we count on you to help us?
We ask you to initiate negotiations immediately for Makhtal’s release. Additionally, we request that you and our parliamentary members call for a hearing on Ethiopia so those re-examining Canadian policies towards Ethiopia can hear from the voices of Ethiopians rather than listen to the propaganda promulgated by this regime. We Ethiopians know what is going on. I and many others would be more than happy to assist in any way possible.More specifically, we hope that these actions lead to pressing the Ethiopian government:to release Mr.Bashir Makhtal, opposition leader, Ms. Birtukan Mideska and all other prisoners of conscience within Ethiopia,to bring to a halt the perpetration of human rights violations in the Ogaden and anywhere else such abuses are being committed in Ethiopia and the Horn,
 to open up the society to basic freedom and civil rights,
 to open up political space in anticipation of the coming 2010 election,
 to hold all perpetrators of human rights crimes accountable, and
 to support national and regional reconciliation among Ethiopians and other willing parties in the Horn that could lead to genuine, sustainable and inclusive peace for “until we all are free, no one will be free.”
Thank you so very much for your hard work, dedication and commitment to the peopl of Canada.
I look forward to your response.

Sincerely yours,

Obang Metho;
Executive Director,
Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia

#4-804 Duffuren Ave, Saskatoon, SK, S7H 4Z9
Phone: (306) 933 4346 Email:obang@solidaritymovement.org. If you would be interested in further
information regarding the (SMNE) you may visit our website: www.solidarity movement.org

This letter has been cc or sent to Michael Ignatieff, Leader of the Official Opposition, Gilles Duceppe, Leader
of the Bloc Québécois, Jack Layton, Leader of the New Democratic Party, asking them to do more to gain the
release of one of their own citizen.

Statement by Minister Cannon on Bashir Makhtal Sentencing in Ethiopia

The Honourable Lawrence Cannon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, today made the following statement following the sentencing of Bashir Makhtal in Ethiopia:
“The Government of Canada is extremely disappointed by the maximum jail sentence to which Bashir Makhtal has been sentenced by the court in Ethiopia.
“Canadian officials in Ethiopia were present at Bashir Makhtal’s court appearance today, during which he was sentenced to life imprisonment. Bashir Makhtal’s lawyer has stated that his client will exercise his right under Ethiopian law to appeal the conviction and the sentence.
“The Government of Canada will continue to explore all options for supporting Bashir Makhtal.
“The Government of Canada will continue to follow the case closely and to seek regular consular access to Bashir Makhtal.”

PRESS RELEASE

July 29, 2009

"Injustice in Ethiopia is Injustice everywhere"

It has been reported that Mr. BASHIR AHMED MAKHTAL, a Canadian citizen is convicted of guilty verdict on charges of terrorist act. His sentencing is due shortly. It appears that the authorities in Addis Ababa are trying to justify due process of law is being followed up to convince critics who allege the whole system is a sham. Indeed, Mr. Bashir is a victim of a vindictive regime whose rebellious past and Stalinist background targets opposition leaders, academics, human rights and civic leaders, journalists and artists. We have witnessed thousands of those victims who suffered under similar trumpeted charges and gone through highly orchestrated court proceedings which determine fate in advance, even before the officials decide whom to jail next. The doctrine of “presumption of innocence” is not in the legal dictionary of the ruling party as every move is politically motivated.
Mr. Bashir Makhtal has long been condemned guilty soon after he was kidnapped at a gun point, as officials of present day Ethiopia, associate guilt to ones ethnic background or next of kin or your blood relationship. As an Ethiopian from the Ogden region and related to one former leader, Bashir’s fate was determined well before even we knew his whereabouts. Has it not been for media coverage given and appeals by different groups, officials would not even have revealed his identity. They would have murdered him somewhere in Somalia and continue to deny that he has been captured. This is not unprecedented since they came to power 18 years ago. The deaths of several civic and military leaders whom officials are denying , but whereabouts and fates unknown to date are not secrets any longer.
The conviction is not that unexpected from a judicial system which has never been independent. One cannot expect a fair trial from a government which itself is terrorizing its citizens. The Ethiopian government's record of human rights abuse, extra judicial killings and mass arrests has been well documented by different rights groups such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, European parliament, CPJ and the United States government State Departments annual country reports.
The current Ethiopian government has been in power for 18 yeas now. It is notoriously known for legislating draconian laws, such as the Press law, NGO and the recent Anti Terrorism law. The judicial system is controlled by cadres of the ruling party who are loyal to implement any orders on how to handle any case brought before the court. The police, security system and the courts are operating in tandem to ensure the leaders ultimate authority over the 80 million populations. Fabrication of charges, planting evidences, selecting and coaching potential witnesses are coordinated tasks of the judicial and security apparatus created by those leaders who are determined to continue their dictatorial authority for an indefinite time.
Currently, Ethiopia is reported being a jail house for far more political prisoners than any sub Saharan country in Africa. It is also reported that the ruling party is still running secret prisons in remote and inaccessible corners of the country which is housing former rebel commanders and opposition figures. The harsh treatment of prisoners and brutal investigative techniques has caused deaths, physical disabilities and mental anguish to several people opposed to their rule.
Unity for Human Rights and Democracy, strongly condems the guilty verdict the officials in Addis Ababa have let the courts pass on Mr. Bashir Makhtal and, we appeal to the Canadian government to immediately intervene and exert pressure on the officials in Ethiopia, for an end to this theatrical process. As the Canadian government has spent millions of tax payer’s money in an attempt to modernize the Ethiopian judicial system, it is in the interest of every Canadian that rule of law and human rights are respected in Ethiopia. We understand Canadian government' is not expecting Mr. Bashir Makhtal is guaranteed due process or freedom from court of law in Ethiopia. Rather, we urge them to review their bilateral aid policy with Ethiopia and exert diplomatic pressures on officials to secure the release of this Canadian citizen who has suffered unbearable ordeals all along since his kidnap over two years ago.
Finally, we call upon all Ethiopian Canadians to join hands together and urge Prime Minister Harper and other government officials to consider this matter as extremely urgent and save Mr. Bashir Makhtal life and ensure his freedom.

Canadian found guilty on Ethiopia terror charges

(AFP) – ADDIS ABABA — An Ethiopian-born Canadian citizen was found guilty in a court in Ethiopia Monday of terror-related charges that could see him sentenced to death.

Bashir Makhtal was convicted on three charges mainly of inciting rebellion by aiding and abetting armed opposition groups in Ethiopia and being a senior member of a rebel group.

The 40-year-old man, who has denied the charges, is also accused of supporting Somalia's Islamist movement ousted by Ethiopian forces in early 2007 when they intervened in the neighbouring country to prop up its embattled transition government.

Ethiopia's high court is scheduled to hand down his sentence on August 3.

"We will definitely launch an appeal after the sentencing on Monday. We will work on it," his lawyer Gebreamlak Gebregiorgis told AFP in an interview.

Makhtal was among some 150 people detained by Kenyan forces in 2006 on the border with Somalia as they fled the Ethiopian onslaught on the Islamist insurgents.

The trial had been postponed several times this year due to prosecutors' failure to provide witnesses.

EDITORS NOTE:
Few things the Canadian government should do regarding this case:
First, The prime minister of Ethiopia Mr. Meles zenawi by himself was a rebel leader for 17 years who participated in a lot of atrocities, including bank robbery and kidnapping of foreign citizens.
TPLF the ruling party in Ethiopia, is still on the list of CIA terrorist lists.
This verdict is a joke cumming from a terrorist organization that never had an amnesty in a real court of law.
In this case the Canadian government should
1. request the immediate and unconditional release of Mr. makthal in a specific time frame.
2.Suspend all diplomatic ties with the current ruling party in Ethiopia, including suspending all visa to the officials of the current government.
3.Work with other donor countries to pressure the TPLF to be diplomatically and financially isolated, until all political prisoners are freed in Ethiopia.

Free Birtukan Mideksa

Abebe Gellaw
Posted July 16, 2009 World leaders, including President Barack Obama, have called for the immediate release of Burma’s pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. But how many of them have even heard of Ethiopia’s pro-democracy leader Birtukan Mideksa, the 36-year-old politician and mother who is being held in solitary confinement, condemned to life in prison without due process? Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has been brutally efficient in eliminating his political rivals by killing, jailing or forcing them into exile. But because Ethiopia is seen as a “strategic ally” by the U.S., Mr. Obama failed to publicly speak out against human-rights violation by the Zenawi regime on his recent trip to Africa or even mention Ms. Mideksa’s name.
Unlike the Burmese military junta, the Zenawi regime is an ally of the U.S. and its European partners. The Bush administration used to refer to the Zenawi regime as a “linchpin” in the war on terror in the Horn of Africa. While the U.S. imposed economic sanctions against Burma in 1997, Mr. Zenawi has been enjoying a stream of financial and military aid from the U.S. and Europe since he came to power in May 1991 after a bloody power struggle with the dictator Mengistu Hailemariam. Since 2005, Mr. Zenawi has even attended all the G-8 summits and this year’s G-20 meeting in London, despite protests by Ethiopians in the diaspora and human-rights activists.
There’s a good reason why her countrymen call Ms. Mideksa the Aung San Suu Kyi of Ethiopa. In the run up to the 2005 national elections, the first contested election in the history of Ethiopia, Ms. Mideksa joined the Coalition for Unity and Democracy party (CUD). Within a few months she was elected the party’s first vice president. Her party won a landslide victory in most of the places where there were foreign election observers. In the capital, Addis Ababa, the CUD had a clean sweep. Zenawi’s party could only win one single municipal seat. All the 23 contested parliamentary seats went to Ms. Mideksa’s party.
Before the count was completed throughout the country, Mr. Zenawi ordered a state of emergency and froze the count in the remaining districts. Local election observers in remote villages were chased away despite protests by foreign observers, most notably Ana Gomes, chief of the European Election Observation Mission to Ethiopia.
Supporters of the CUD who felt that the election was stolen started protesting. In June and November 2005, the ruling party killed 193 civilians including minors and wounded over 780 others. In a space of one week in November 2005, over 40,000 civilians were rounded up and were detained in harsh military camps.
Over 100 opposition leaders, including Ms. Mideksa, were arrested that same month and charged with “genocide” and treason. They were released after 20 months in jail in July 2007 after a mediation effort by local elders.
While touring Sweden in November last year, Ms. Mideksa refuted government propaganda that its high-profile prisoners were pardoned despite their guilt. She said legally speaking the so-called pardon was null and void as none of the prisoners committed the alleged crimes and the correct procedures were not followed.
As soon as she arrived home, the government launched a vicious propaganda campaign using state-controlled media against her. She was re-arrested in December 2008. Prime Minister Zenawi declared that the pardon granted to Ms. Mideksa was revoked and accused her of banking on support from “powerful friends in powerful positions” in the West. He then announced her life sentence.
President Obama, being of African descent, is in a unique position to influence the Zenawi regime and push for the release of Ms. Mideksa. Until leaders of the Free World take a firm stand against tyranny, regardless of strategic alliances, those who demand freedom will continue to suffer. Most Ethiopians believe Mr. Obama will one day speak out and support their struggle for freedom and dignity. In the meantime, Ms. Mideksa will continue to languish behind bars.
Mr. Gellaw is a Knight / Yahoo! international journalism fellow at Stanford University.

Three Generations of Prisoners in Ethiopia Today

Part I Contextual Profile On Re-imprisoned Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa of Ethiopia

Ethiopians who are in their 70’s plus today have survived through four political tsunamis the country
has undergone in the last six decades. These include the bestial but short-lived Mussolini/Fascist
invasion of the country (1936-41); the resumption of semi-feudal imperial rule by Emperor Haile
Sellassie (1941-1974); the popular mass revolution subsequently taken over by the military (Derg)
(1974-1991). The fourth regime is the current tandem occupation of the country and the severing of
Eritrea from Ethiopia by Isayass/ EPLF and the crony, the Tigrayan TPLF under Meles (1991-
present). Among other things, the most tragic and defining characteristic in the transitions and
tenures of the regimes--with the qualified exception of periods of the Haile Sellassie era—is the
cyclical rampancy of violence, oppression, death and destruction visited upon the ever enduring
Ethiopian people. There were also famines, environmental degradation as well as internal and
interstate conflicts that further exacerbated the suffering of the people.
What emerges as an explanatory paradigm for analysis of political phenomena in Ethiopia in
general revolves around what I call “the culture of violence and the violence of culture” that has
permeated and defined Ethiopia’s political history, not just for the past seven decades but for
centuries? The current tribalist regime has already used its monopoly of deadly force and absolute
political hegemony to sever Eritrea and wantonly land lock Ethiopia. It continues to use brute force to
massacre Ethiopians and obliterate Ethiopia per se. It is in the context of its words and, more
importantly, its deeds that one can at least attempt to reckon with current events such as the regime’s
capricious incarceration (again) of Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa, Chairperson of the Unity for Democracy
and Justice Party of Ethiopia.
For virtually all of its history, political leadership or right to rule in Ethiopia has not been a
matter of peoples choice or but of divine ordination. Hence, one of the several titles of Emperor Haile
Sellassie was “Elect of God.” Such a political culture does not engender or encourage political
participation by citizens be they males or even less so females—unless elected by God or by the
Gun. Indeed some emperors reached the pinnacle of power by the gun and then coerced the clergy
to confirm them as “elect” of God. Still, there were some female empresses as well by virtue of being
a king’s daughter. Empress Zewditu Menelik at the turn of the twentieth Century was one such
example.
The Modest Beginnings of Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa
Having come of age in a stifling political culture, the young, dynamic and charismatic Mrs. Birtukan
Mideksa emerged into the political spotlight in the early period of the 21st Century. She was born in
1974 in Addis Ababa. On the material side of life, hers were low income parents but she said she was
raised with so much rich love and care. She had a positive and friendly disposition towards all she
encountered. She was superior at school and eventually joined Addis Ababa University. She recalls
that she wanted to do public service and her shortlist was law or medicine. She then heard about a
lady judge who had reached the level of Justice of the High Court of Ethiopia. That inspired young
Birtukan to aspire to serve her people in the realm of law and justice. In 1989, shortly after her
graduation, she was appointed judge and served with competence and equanimity—insofar as the
system would allow--for the next six years, followed by law practice.
The Janus-faced devious regime of autocrat Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia operates with absolute
armed power at home and duplicitous propaganda abroad. It denies what it really is and does in the
country while it projects what it is not to the rest of the world. Under such circumstances a general
“election” was slated for 2005 and a number of patriotic, democratic and dedicated Ethiopians formed
parties and coalitions to peacefully contest in the “election”—even though they had serious doubts
about the regime’s trustworthiness. They were, however, encouraged in this endeavor by European
and American groups and election observers who promised to be rigorous in monitoring the voting
and counting processes and holding the ruling regime and all concerned accountable. It was at this
momentous occasion that Birtukan joined the democratic movement and she was selected to be
Deputy Chair of the Kinijit (Coalition) Democratic Party of Ethiopia.

Free Birtukan Midekssa and all Political Prisoners In Ethiopia. Ottawa, May 26,2009

Most importantly to demand:
1. The Harper Government breaks its silence and speaks out against the human rights abuse in Ethiopia
2. For the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners and ensure that the practice of arbitrary arrest and unfair trials shall come to an end in Ethiopia.
3. Canada takes immediate and tangible steps to ensure that the actions of the government in Ethiopia shall comply fully with The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
4. the current government in Ethiopia be held accountable and responsible for violating International Human rights Law, and ensure that any kind of Canadian aid to Ethiopia be granted subject to the recognition, promotion as well as implementation of Democratic Ideals and Civil and Political Rights.
Honorable Peter Julian NDP, MP for Burnaby/Westminster and
Honorable Paul Dewar Paul MP, for Ottawa Center addressed the crowed regarding the deteriorating human rights situation in Ethiopia, and encouraged every one to raise their voice for those who are suffering under the tyrannical regime in Ethiopia. Also, the Honorable Maria Minna Liberal, MP Beaches East York was represented by her assistant Mr. Ryan who also made a brief speech.


More info to come...

SOLIDARITY MESSAGE TO THE MAY 15 INTERNATIONAL MOVEMENT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS AND FREEDOM IN ETHIOPIA

Unity for Human Rights and Democracy Toronto, would like to express its solidarity to the International campaign to free the jailed political leaders and human rights activists in Ethiopia. As part of this international movement, we salute you all who are holding torches of freedom high up glowing city streets. We hear echoes of the bells of democracy you are ringing and songs of peace you are singing. Your march for freedom is unprecedented and the drums you beat are calling for unity of all democratic forces.
All political prisoners incarcerated in the dungeons all over the country are counting on us to remember their plights every single day. They are appealing to us for the realization of their freedom. Their voices have been taken away by the Woyane tugs and remain voiceless. They are demanding for unity amongst all democratic forces for the common good of mother Ethiopia which is endangered with perils of Melles Zenawi’s destructive policies.
The true sons and daughters of Ethiopia are converging at major city streets across the globe to denounce fascism. TPLF’s wave of terror has continued unabated both in width and depth. TPLF is waging an all out war against Ethiopians and we are at a critical historical moment. It is a reality that fascism is digging its grave deeper never to resurrect Victory is in sight around the horizon. Fascism which has reigned for last 18 years is bidding farewell as it is fast losing ground every where. Ethiopians will soon recover their hard earned unity and freedom. They rightfully gain their pride which had been looted by the fascistic leaders our country ever had throughout its history. The time to rejoice our unity has come for real and we will not fail to protect it as our forefathers did against colonialism.
Obviously, TPLF leaders might run away to those cities the looted aid money has been amassed and hoarded. Well, they might think so, but that won’t happen for real. The money they are looting belongs to the starving million children of Ethiopia.
The world is not that big any more, as they might think. Criminals cannot run, let alone hide. Prosecution for genocide is awaiting them and tears mother Ethiopia has been shedding those long years will eventually dry up. We can't wait to see that time we all have long yearned for. Justice will be finally served and we will regain our human rights, freedom, peace and equality irrespective of ones religious, ethnic, political or regional affiliation. Ethnic apartheid system of government will be history and the future generation will remember it as the darkest moment their ancestors have endured through what else we have learned from Mussolini and Graziani's cruelty against our forefathers!!!!!!
Once again, on the occasion of the May 15, international movement, we are renewing our determination to continue working together with all democratic forces. We will strengthen our lobbying tasks with the Canadian government and other opposition officials who have been championing the Ethiopian human rights issue on all forums available. We will join hands with concerned citizens and law enforcement agencies to expose those human rights abusers and looters who have made cities of Canada as their hub for retreat.

Victory to the Ethiopian People
Toronto, May 15, 2009

With a Friend Like This:Ethiopia was supposed to help America in the war on terror. But it's only made matters worse.

Few people outside Ethiopia have ever heard of Birtukan Mideksa. And that's just how the government wants it. Since December, Birtukan has been kept in solitary confinement, one of hundreds of political prisoners there. Her apparent crime? Organizing a democratic challenge to the increasingly iron-fisted rule of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.
In the past year alone, Meles's ruling party has rigged elections, effectively banned independent human-rights groups, passed a draconian press law and shrugged off calls for an investigation into alleged atrocities in the restive Ogaden region. Yet in the same period, his country has become one of the largest recipients of U.S. aid in sub-Saharan Africa, getting a cool $1 billion in 2008. The Bush administration claimed that Ethiopia was the linch-pin of its regional counterterrorism strategy and a vital beacon of stability. But the evidence increasingly suggests Washington isn't getting what it pays for, and is supporting a brutal dictator in the process. Candidate Obama pledged to strengthen democracy in Africa; if he's serious, this is a good place to start.

America's warm relations with Ethiopia date to the days after 9/11, when the country's Christian-dominated government came to be seen as a natural U.S. ally in a region targeted by Islamic extremists. After disputed elections in 2005, however, Meles—once hailed by President Bill Clinton as part of a promising "new generation" of African leaders—began clamping down on dissent.
Yet Washington tolerated his lapses because it needed his help fighting Al-Qaeda linked Islamists in next-door Somalia. In December 2006, Ethiopia's U.S.-trained Army duly invaded its neighbor, ousting the radical Islamic Courts Union government there. But the adventure hasn't worked out as planned. No sooner had the ICU been toppled than an even more radical group, Al-Shabab, sprang up to fight the invaders. And although Seyoum Mesfin, Ethiopia's foreign minister, recently told NEWSWEEK that the Islamists have been militarily "shattered," they now control much of the country's south and have tightened links with Al Qaeda. Meanwhile, the Ethiopian troops have pulled out, and the country they left behind has been thoroughly devastated. Two years of fighting forced about 3.4 million Somalis, some 40 percent of the population, from their homes. Yet only a few high-ranking terrorists were eliminated, and Russell Howard, a retired general and senior fellow at the Pentagon's Joint Special Operations University, says the occupation only "empowered" the radicals.
Such failures—and Ethiopia's growing repression—suggest Washington should rethink the relationship. Just what Ethiopia offers the United States today is unclear. Addis Ababa has contributed troops to U.N. peacekeeping forces in Darfur and Burundi and plays a large role in shaping the policies of the African Union. But this shouldn't earn it unquestioning U.S. support.
To reset ties, the United States should push Ethiopia to democratize. And it must urge it to reconcile with its archnemesis, Eritrea. Resolving the conflict between the two states is key to addressing a whole range of threats to U.S. interests. Tiny Eritrea won independence from Addis Ababa in 1993, but the two countries fought a 1998–2000 border war and relations have remained hostile ever since, in part because Ethiopia, with tacit U.S. support, has ignored an international ruling that redrew their border. Too weak to challenge Ethiopia directly, Eritrea has funneled support to its enemy's enemies—including Al-Shabab and its America-hating foreign fighters. Eritrea also recently instigated a border conflict with Djibouti, home to an important U.S. military base.
Washington should thus push Ethiopia and Eritrea to make amends; better relations would mean an end to their proxy war in Somalia, which has helped turn that state into a Qaeda haven. Should it choose to use it, the United States has plenty of leverage. Most U.S. spending on Ethiopia goes for health and food aid, which aren't easy to cut. But the Obama administration could make military aid and weapons sales contingent on Meles's improving his behavior. The House of Representatives passed a bill in 2007 to do just that, but the measure died in the Senate without White House support.
Much will now depend on the man Obama has nominated for the State Department's top Africa job, Johnnie Carson. Carson's record is promising: while ambassador to Kenya from 1999 to 2003, he helped persuade longtime President Daniel Arap Moi to step down, clearing the way for multiparty elections. Should he bring similar pressure to bear on Washington's new African ally, Birtukan, Ethiopia's other political prisoners, Africans throughout the Horn and America itself would all benefit.
With Jason Mclure in Addis Ababa for News Week

Lawsuit challenges aid to Ethiopia

Imprisoned Canadian's lawyer accuses Ottawa of giving relief to state that doesn't respect rights
Apr 03, 2009 04:30 AM
Michelle Shephard
National Security Reporter
There have been Supreme Court cases, costly federal inquiries, rallies and media pressure that has forced the government into action concerning Canadian citizens detained abroad.
But now comes an inventive court challenge that lawyers for Bashir Makhtal hope will pack a financial punch and lead to the Canadian's release from Ethiopia.
A lawsuit against the Canadian government filed yesterday in federal court argues that Canada is breaking the law by providing financial aid to Ethiopia.
"Official government development aid shall only be provided to countries if the aid `is consistent with international human rights standards,'" the claim alleges, quoting from a new law that came into effect in June.
The Official Development Assistance Accountability Act was passed in order to ensure that development assistance is provided "in a manner that is consistent with Canadian values (and) Canadian foreign policy."
Toronto lawyer Lorne Waldman argues in his suit that Makhtal, who is being held in an Addis Ababa prison, has been denied access to lawyers or consular assistance for two years, and coupled with international criticism about Ethiopia's courts, continued aid would violate Canadian law.
The suit focuses on the portion of Canada's $89 million in foreign aid targeted for improving Ethiopia's legal system.
"We don't have any issue of the government sending aid to people who are starving or building wells or all the other things they may be doing in Ethiopia," Waldman said.
"But giving aid to a government that doesn't respect due process to finance their legal system is in my view inconsistent with our obligations."
Makhtal, an Ethiopian-born Canadian citizen who lived in Toronto for close to a decade before moving to Kenya where he worked and lived with his wife, was arrested in December 2006 at the border of Somalia. He was initially held in Nairobi but then taken secretly to Somalia and driven to Ethiopia.
The Ethiopian government alleges Makhtal is a member of the outlawed Ogaden National Liberation Front, which is fighting for the Somali-speaking population of Ethiopia's disputed, oil-rich Ogaden region.
He has denied the charge.
While the government had not spoken out publicly against Makhtal's case when he was initially detained, Foreign Affairs Parliamentary Secretary Deepak Obhrai went to Addis Ababa twice last year to meet Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.
Federal Transport Minister John Baird, whose Ottawa riding has a large Somali population, recently took a personal interest in the case and vowed to visit Ethiopia soon.
"I am very cautious about this step by the lawyers," Baird said yesterday in reaction to the lawsuit.
"I am just not optimistic that an attempt to pressure the Ethiopians in Canadian courts will benefit Bashir. His case is taking place in Ethiopia, and that needs to be where we focus our efforts."
Makhtal appeared in an Ethiopian court yesterday where six witnesses gave "mainly hearsay testimony," his cousin, Said Makhtal, said. He is to appear again April 20.

Why no-one speaks out: Politics and human rights in Ethiopia

Ethiopia has no independent judiciary, no free press, no civil society, and individual liberties have been severely curtailed, so why isn’t Meles Zenawi a persona non grata in the international community, asks human rights activist Mitmita.
Birtukan Mideksa, a former judge who was charged with treason and sentenced to life imprisonment in 2005, is just one of many people jailed for exercising their fundamental rights, in this case the freedom of speech, says Mitmita. Mideksa is in solitary confinement in Kaliti Prison for allegedly violating the terms of a government pardon granted to her in 2007. The accusations are based on her failure to retract statements made in a speech that she was released from prison through a politically negotiated settlement rather than a formal legal pardon. Western failure to condemn abuses by Zenawi’s government for the sake of their own strategic interests, says Mitmita, comes at the expense of the rights of ordinary Ethiopians.
In the barbed wire existence that is Kaliti Prison, past the mocking eucalyptus trees swaying in the cerulean Addis skies, beyond the square outdoor cages reserved for visitors, away from the prison guards whose hands callously sift through the contents of your food basket, in solitary confinement is a thirty-four year old political prisoner. It is her second stay since 2005 within the infamous walls of the prison that lies on the outskirts of the Ethiopian capital.

Ms Birtukan Mideksa’s crime, according to the Ethiopian government, is violation of the terms of her 2007 pardon. She was arrested in 2005, in the post election upheaval during which 200 individuals were killed by government forces and more than 100 opposition political leaders and elected parliamentarians, human rights defenders, journalists, attorneys and civil society members were imprisoned. She was tried, convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment. The charge was treason. International outrage followed. Massive campaigns from around the world drew attention to the case. Amnesty International and other NGOs declared the defendants were prisoners of conscience who had been imprisoned solely for the expression of their fundamental rights.

In 2007, Ms Mideksa and her co-defendants were released as part of negotiations between elders and the Ethiopian government, which allegedly resulted in the following: Signed confessions by Ms Mideksa and others, and a pardon granted to them by the government. The terms and parameters of the pardons as well as the confessions remain murky. What is known and evident is that Ms Mideksa’s December 2008 arrest resulted from the exercise of her right to free speech.

Outside of the two square metre prison cell that she now inhabits, the political prisoner is a former judge, a mother to a four-year-old daughter and the head of an opposition political organisation (arguably Africa’s only woman to hold such a position). In juggling these roles, she was working to avoid the minefields that accompany exercising your rights in Ethiopia. How does a woman who presided over high profile cases as part of the judiciary end up in solitary confinement serving a life sentence for a second time in the span of two years? The answer lies in the tortured reality that is life in Ethiopia.

By all accounts, the country has no independent judiciary, no free press, no civil society, and individual liberties such as freedom of speech, association et al have been severely curtailed if not eliminated. Even artists don’t enjoy freedom of thought – their expressions can’t stray from the party lines. For example, Teddy Afro, a popular singer, is serving time for an alleged hit and run, though his lyrics and pro-democracy stance suggest that the accident might have been mere subterfuge.
The prison system, certainly since 2005 but most likely prior to that date, hosted a who’s who of Ethiopia’s intelligentsia, artist community and human rights defenders. That certainly doesn’t make it unique – totalitarian regimes are apt to discredit those who defy them. Those who were not imprisoned were slaughtered in broad daylight. In the Ogaden, the violence committed by government sources was so egregious that human rights groups have labelled them crimes against humanity. This brand of leadership has not only been exported to neighbouring Somalia but the US also allegedly used Ethiopia as a location for one of the CIA’s extraordinary rendition prisons.

Which brings us back to Ms Mideksa. Solitary confinement, according to Amnesty International, puts Ms Mideksa at risk of ill-treatment and torture. Ms Mideksa has been denied access to counsel and to medical treatment. She is at risk – if not already exposed – to abuse at the hands of prison guards. To be a woman political prisoner is something altogether quite different. The potential for suffering is innumerable.

The world, outside of those who concern themselves daily with the goings-on of Africa, has turned a deaf ear to her and to Ethiopia’s suffering. The leadership’s consistent flirting with disaster – whether it is famine, the ill-fated foray into supposed electoral politics in 2005, or the misadventures in Somalia – provides a clear image of a ruling party holding a nation in an extricable iron grip. Yet somehow the fate of a Mugabe or a Bashir of the Sudan doesn’t befall Meles Zenawi. There has been no international condemnation, no arrest warrants and he certainly isn’t a global persona non Grata.

Unlike other dictators, the head of Ethiopia has had an air of legitimacy conferred upon him – to the point that Westerners need to be reminded of his true colors, demonstrated during the 2005 elections. The Prime Minister’s policy appears to be twofold: Firstly, to convey an indispensable willingness to protect the interests of the West in the Horn of Africa and secondly, to display the accouterments of democracy and free market economics without actually implementing any of the institutions or responsibilities that accompany both.

And it seems his strategy has worked like a charm. Except for a rare rebuke or a slap on the wrist, the West – especially the primary funder's of the Ethiopian regime – generally turn a blind eye to the massive human rights violations besieging the nation. Which is not surprising: Even Ethiopians seem tired of Ethiopia’s same old problems. It is much easier to tune out something that has been going on for far too long. For those in need of a crash course in Ethiopian political history, consider the following:

Ms Mideksa’s imprisonment is but a microcosm of the tragedies experienced by the larger population. Fundamentally, her case illustrates the immense power that the Ethiopian government wields over its citizens. Her purportedly offensive statements that led to her arrest were made during a speech in Sweden. Shockingly, her words merely stated facts: That her prior release was not based on a formal legal pardon, but rather a politically negotiated settlement. It was her refusal to rescind these statements that landed her in jail. Since Ethiopia’s state apparatus extends beyond boundaries and across oceans, imagine the control it must wield over the population within its borders. Big African brother is watching. Following the 2005 elections, the government banned SMS text messaging after pro-democracy activists used the tool to organize voters and peaceful rallies. Various Ethiopian blogs, websites and other Internet resources are routinely blocked in Ethiopia. The besieged population is regularly searched before entering malls and restaurants.

Three months into her reinstated life sentence, we must raise some critical questions about Ms Mideksa’s case and the state of Ethiopia as a whole. Are fundamental rights extinguishable at the will of a government? Why isn’t international funding truly linked to a country’s human rights record? Should Western interests, especially purported ‘terrorism’ concerns, supersede the human rights of Africans? And most importantly, where is the outrage?

* Mitmita is a pseudomyn of an Ethiopian human rights activist.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Ethiopia: Birtukan sues the TPLF government for violation of rights (Capital)

Jailed opposition party Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) chair, Birtukan Midekssa, has sued the government for violating her rights as a prisoner.
Earlier this month, attorney Tesfaye Derese filed the charge on behalf of Birtukan. Tesfaye himself had on various occasions claimed not to be able to see his client.
In the filed charge, Birtukan asks the court to ensure her prisoner’s rights, which she said have been violated, are respected. The Ethiopian constitution stipulates that persons in custody and convicted prisoners have the right to communicate with and be visited by spouse(s), close relatives and friends, medical attendants, and religious and legal counselors.
Birtukan is not the first one to claim mistreatment in detention centers. During the former Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP) leaders and members’ trial, then CUDP Secretary, Muluneh Eyuel, also claimed that he was mistreated and was put in a dark cell on his own.
Very recently, the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM) secretary Bekele Jirate claimed that he was made to stand for long hours while he was in police custody. Both allegations were rejected by the courts.
Birtukan’s charge was sent back to the registrar by the first presiding judge, who explained that he could not preside over the case, as he knew the plaintiff personally. Another justice, who took over the case, ruled last Wednesday that it is in the court’s jurisdiction and the plaintiff has a case and can indeed sue for the alleged violations.
In orders issued last Wednesday, the court explained that it took on the case after the plaintiff re-stated its case to explain that the alleged violations occurred in the previous fifteen days. This is a requirement if the case is to go through what is called accelerated procedure.
The court has ordered the Federal Correction Facilities Commission to present a response to the charge by April 2.
It was back in December 29 that Birtukan was re-arrested and began serving life after the pardon board revoked her pardon. She was imprisoned and then pardoned after she - along with other members and leaders of the former CUDP - were found guilty of unrest following the 2005 elections.
UDJ and other opposition groups such as OFDM and United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF) have condemned Birtukan’s re-arrest. However the government insisted it acted to uphold the rule of law to which it said Birtukan failed to comply when she denied asking for a pardon and then refused to retract her statement.
Some lawyers expressed a concern about the procedures the government took to revoke her pardon. These experts explained that Birtukan was not given the legally permitted 21 days before her pardon was revoked, instead she was re-arrested just 72 hours after the Federal Police Commission asked her to retract the statement.
The justice minister, Berhan Hailu, has said that the 21 day period referred to by the lawyers is only advisory.

Why Does British Foreign Aid Prefer Poor Governments Over Poor People?

By William Easterly and Laura Freschi
European donors are moving towards increasing direct budget support to governments of aid-receiving countries. Leading the charge is the UK, which gives the largest percentage of direct budget support of any bilateral or multilateral donor (although the World Bank, the European Commission, the US and France also give substantial budget support).
Giving cash directly to host country governments for use in the general budget for public spending has a number of advantages. The donors say it gives recipient governments more predictability, and more control over the aid resources being funneled in. Rather than serving a plethora of masters in the international donor community, funds given as budget support can be corralled by the host government and spent coherently according to host government priorities, while building government capacity to do what everyone wants governments to do for themselves in the long run: competently manage their own affairs. The aid jargon for this is “country ownership.”
So how is this working out in practice? In 2007, the UK gave 20 percent of their total bilateral ODA in the form of budget support to 13 countries: Tanzania, Ethiopia, Pakistan, Ghana, Uganda, Mozambique, Vietnam, Malawi, Zambia, India, Sierra Leone, Nepal, and Nicaragua. (Source)
Of this list, only Ghana and India were classified as “free” by the annual Freedom House ratings on democracy (according to either the 2007 or 2008 rating). For the 11 other countries that did get British budget support, how much is there “country ownership” when the government is not democratically accountable to the “country”?
Moreover, Human Rights Watch (HRW) accused some of these governments of serious human rights violations. Ethiopia’s autocratic government, which is inexplicably the largest recipient of UK budget support in Africa, won 99% of the vote in the last “election.” The government army is accused by HRW of war crimes in the Somali region of Ethiopia. Nor is this brand new -- neither army officers nor civilian officials have been “held accountable for crimes against humanity that ENDF (Ethiopian National Defense Force) forces carried out against ethnic Anuak communities during a counterinsurgency campaign in Gambella region in late 2003 and 2004.” HRW also notes that today: “Credible reports indicate that vital food aid to the drought-affected [Somali] region has been diverted and misused as a weapon to starve out rebel-held areas.” Ironically, Ethiopia’s autocratic ruler, Meles Zenawi, was the Africa representative at the recent G-20 meeting campaigning for more aid to Africa during the current crisis, because, among other reasons, Meles said “people who were getting some food would cease to get it and … would die” (from an article in Wednesday's Financial Times.)
As for Vietnam, HRW reports: “In March 2008 police arrested Bui Kim Thanh, an activist who defended victims of land confiscation and involuntarily committed her to a mental hospital for the second time in two years. … In October a Hanoi court sentenced reporters Nguyen Viet Chien of Young People (Thanh Nien) newspaper to two years in prison and Nguyen Van Hai from Youth (Tuoi Tre) to two years’ “re-education” for having exposed a major corruption scandal in 2005…..”
Oh yes, and let’s consider corruption, which may affect whether aid to governments translates into aid to poor people. Another country on the UK budget support list, Malawi, had received $148 million in budget support from its donors from 2000 to 2004. It ended those four years with poorer government capacity and greater fiscal instability than it began them, according to one evaluation. Also during those four years, the Malawian president was accused of awarding fraudulent contracts, and government officials achieved new lows when they sold off all 160,000 tons of the country’s grain reserves for personal profit. In the ensuing famine, provoked by drought and floods but made worse by the loss of the grain reserves, the government had to borrow an additional $28 million to feed its starving people. Yet Malawi continues to receive British budget support today.
Elsewhere on the corruption front, British aid continues to give direct transfers to the Sierra Leonean government even though its own 2006 report found that previous support to the “Anti-Corruption Commission” had “made no progress on the overall goal of reducing corruption, had made no impact on reducing real or perceived levels of corruption, had suffered a fall in institutional capacity since the previous year.” (Quote from a 2008 Transparency International report). Sierra Leone is ranked the 158th worst country in the world on corruption (where the worst ranking is 180th).
Of course, low income countries have lower ratings on democracy, human rights, and corruption than richer countries, so poverty-alleviation aid has to face the tricky tradeoff of directing aid to the poorest countries while trying to avoid the most corrupt and autocratic ones. Unfortunately, a recent article found that the UK was one of the best (least bad) official aid agencies in doing this, so most of the others are apparently even worse.
This study did not consider the issue of direct budget support. There is nothing that says you have to give aid meant for the poorest peoples directly to their governments, if the latter are tyrannical and corrupt. With the examples above, which side are UK aid officials on, on the side of poor people or on the side of the governments that oppress them?
Posted by Laura Freschi on March 20, 2009 12:20 PM

Testimony of David H. Shinn Adjunct Professor, Elliott School of International Affairs George Washington University

Horn of Africa: Priorities and Recommendations
Hearing before the House Subcommittee on State and Foreign Operations
Committee on Appropriations
12 March 2009
Ethiopia

Ethiopia has been a good ally of the United States on a number of issues while it offers challenges for U.S. policy concerning its human rights practices and pace of democratization. As a result, U.S. policy towards Ethiopia since the current government took power in 1991 has always been a delicate balancing act. This will continue to be the case.

Ethiopia has been a strong supporter of U.S. counter terrorism policy in the region. Even if the tactics change under the Obama administration for dealing with terrorism, the United States will continue to look to Ethiopia for support. Ethiopia has also consistently been responsive to U.S. concerns about stability and peacekeeping operations in the region and beyond. It supported U.S. policy on the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan and provided support to the peacekeeping operation in Darfur. It has contributed to peacekeeping efforts beyond the Horn of Africa. Although in my view, both the United States and Ethiopia followed a misguided policy in Somalia, they did it together. It is just not possible to ignore the helpful role of Ethiopia on regional issues that are important to the United States. In addition, the Meles Zenawi government has established a solid economic track record for which it does not receive much credit.

U.S. policy must weigh these positive factors against the need for significant improvement on human rights issues and the democratization process. Since 1991 there have been periodic large-scale arrests of political dissidents, frequently among the Oromo who are perceived rightly or wrongly to have ties to the Oromo Liberation Front, which calls for the overthrow of the government. Although many are eventually released, new groups of political dissidents are routinely arrested. The government has a long history of harassment of the private press and a reluctance to permit civil society groups to engage in advocacy work. The new act covering charities and non-governmental organizations places severe restrictions on their ability to conduct advocacy work.

Democratization in Ethiopia experienced a major setback following the 2005 national elections. Although the election process began well, it ended badly. The political opposition must take some responsibility for the violence that followed the election, but ultimately the government is responsible for preventing violence and maintaining credibility in the electoral system. The 2008 local elections were an opportunity to put the democratization process back on track. They did not. The government party won all but a handful of the 3.6 million positions. The next national elections occur in 2010 and the outlook for serious competition is not good.
U.S. policy must continue to balance the need for Ethiopia’s cooperation on regional issues with its desire to influence positively the human rights’ situation and democratization process in the country. Putting pressure on Ethiopia will become increasingly difficult for the United States and other western countries as Ethiopia continues to strengthen its relations with countries such as China and Russia.
Editors Note: In this testimony Mr. shin tried to link the violence or the aftermath of election 2005 on the opposition parties. What Mr. Shinn purposely omitted to mention is that the current government was not elected and is not the legitimate government of the country. Moreover, it looks like Mr. shinn is approving the killing of hundreds of unarmed civilian protesters and the imprisonment of more than fifty thousand opposition supporters members, and leaders. If those killed were whites like in Zimbabwe or jews in israel, Mr. shinn might have a different report. What a pity.

CANADIAN MPS REACTION REGARDING THE UNJUSTLIFE IMPRISONMENT OF BIRTUKAN MIDEKSSA

Julian tackles human rights

Christina Myers (staff reporter)

A local MP is tackling a human rights issue on the other side of the planet. Peter Julian, NDP MP for Burnaby-New Westminister, recently tabled a private members’ motion in the House of Commons, calling on the Canadian government to do what it can to pressure the dictatorial regime in Ethiopia to release Birtukan Mideksa from Solitary confinement unconditionally.

Peter Julian, NDP MP said

“Anyone interested in backing his campaign can contact his office to receive copies of the petition. Any petition with a minimum of 25 names can be presented to the House of Commons”.

All Canadians and in particular those from Ethiopian origin please respond to his call for action. His details are;

Constituency Office:
7615 Sixth Street
Burnaby, BC V3N 3M6
Tel: 604-775-5707
Fax: 604-775-5743
TTY: 604-775-5737
juliap@parl.gc.ca

Parliamentary Office:
Room 178, Confederation Building, House of Commons
Ottawa, ON K1A 0A6
Tel: 613-992-4214
Fax: 613-947-9500
TTY: 613-992-4249
Information Service, Parliament of Canada, Toll-free (Canada): 1 (866) 599-4999

Also you can visit his website at www.peterjulian.ca

Bashir Makhtal - McGuffi

CBC RADIO "THE CURRENT PROGRAM REGARDING BASHIR MAKTAL
Bashir Makhtal was in an open court room in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa today. He's a dual Ethiopian and Canadian citizen and he's spent more than two years in an Ethiopian prison as a domestic terror suspect. Mr. Makhtal was picked up along the border between Kenya and Somalia in December, 2006. He was then forced onto a rendition flight and flown illegally across international borders, eventually landing in an Ethiopian prison cell. He was not allowed to see Canadian consular officials for more than a year and a half. And he did not actually meet his Ethiopian lawyer until about two months ago.
ethiopia accuses Mr. Makhtal of being a key figure in the Ogaden National Liberation Front, ONLF, a rebel group that is fighting for more autonomy or outright secession from Ethiopia. Ethiopia considers the ONLF a terrorist organization. But it is not on the terror watch list in Canada or the United States.
David McGuffin is following Bashir Makhtal's trial. He is CBC's Africa correspondent and he was at the court house in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
Bashir Makhtal - Cousin and Lawyer
Said Maktal is Bashir Makhtal's cousin. They were raised in the same house in Somalia. And Said Maktal has been leading efforts in Canada to get his cousin out of Ethiopia. Said Maktal was in Toronto this morning.
Lorne Waldman is Bashir Makhtal's lawyer in Canada.

Bashir Makhtal Trial: Baird

John Baird has taken an active interest in Bashir Makhtal's case. He's Canada's Federal Transport Minister. He represents the riding of Ottawa West-Nepean, a riding with a large Somali community. And he says the Federal Government has told the Ethiopian Government that it expects Mr. Makhtal to be treated fairly.
The minister is travelling today and was unavailable to be interviewed. He did, however, speak to this issue at a press conference on Tuesday. We aired a clip from this conference.
To listen to the entire program press the link

US President Barack Obama nominated career diplomat Johnnie Carson to be assistant secretary of state for African affairs

Washington, DC — US President Barack Obama nominated career diplomat Johnnie Carson to be assistant secretary of state for African affairs, the White House announced.
In the late 1990s, he served under Susan Rice, the current UN ambassador, as principal deputy assistant secretary for the State Department's Bureau of African Affairs.
The White House announced the nomination of Ambassador Johnnie Carson Friday. The full text of the White House announcement:
President Barack Obama today announced his intent to nominate Ambassador Johnnie Carson, Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, State Department.
Ambassador Johnnie Carson is currently the National Intelligence Officer for Africa on the National Intelligence Council. He joined the NIC in September 2006 after a 37-year career in the Foreign Service. Prior to this appointment, Carson served as the Senior Vice President of the National Defense University in Washington D.C. (2003-2006).
Carson's Foreign Service career includes ambassadorships to Kenya (1999-2003), Zimbabwe (1995-1997), and Uganda (1991-1994); and Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of African Affairs (1997-1999). Earlier in his career he had assignments in Portugal, Botswana, Mozambique, and Nigeria. He has also served as desk officer in the Africa section at State's Bureau of Intelligence and Research; Staff Officer for the Secretary of State (1978-1979), and Staff Director for the Africa Subcommittee of the US House of Representatives (1979-1982).
Before joining the Foreign Service, Ambassador Carson was a Peace Corps volunteer in Tanzania. He has a Bachelor of Arts in History and Political Science from Drake University and a Master of Arts in International Relations from the School of Oriental and Africa Studies at the University of London.
Ambassador Carson is the recipient of several Superior Honor Awards from the Department of State and a Meritorious Service Award from Secretary of State Madeleine Albright. The Centers for Disease Control presented Ambassador Carson its highest award, "Champion of Prevention Award," for his leadership in directing the US Government's HIV/AIDS prevention efforts in Kenya.
Senator Russ Feingold, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommitee on African Affairs has hailed Carson’s choice describing him as “an accomplished career foreign service officer.”
“President Obama’s nomination of Johnnie Carson to be Assistant Secretary for African Affairs is a strong choice. Carson is an accomplished career foreign service officer with an excellent track record on African issues spanning many decades and a range of positions. Carson has a deep understanding of our diplomatic capacities and the importance of regular interagency collaboration. I look forward to considering his nomination and hearing how he and the administration plan to address the many challenges we face on the African continent.” Feingold said after the White House announcement.

Tories to scrutinize Canadian's trial in Ethiopia

If proceedings aren't fair, Baird vows to bring Toronto businessman home
By Louisa Taylor, The Ottawa Citizen March 18, 2009
Days before a Canadian businessman is to appear in an Ethiopian court to face terrorism charges, the Harper government is sending "strong signals" to Ethiopian authorities that it is watching to see whether Bashir Makhtal has any hope of receiving a fair trial, and if he doesn't, Canada will be taking steps to bring the former Toronto businessman home.
"Thursday is going to be a very important day," John Baird, minister of transport, infrastructure and communities, said Tuesday. "What is required is that, after two years of holding Mr. Makhtal with no charge, they now put up the evidence."
The Ottawa-Nepean MP says he will be speaking to embassy officials today to ask that the Canadian ambassador attend Makhtal's hearing in Addis Ababa to underscore to Ethiopian authorities that "the government of Canada at senior levels will be watching this very closely."
Baird took on the Makhtal case last year at the urging of Ottawa's Somali community. Born in the Ogaden region of Ethiopia, Makhtal is an ethnic Somali who immigrated to Canada in 1991.
The 40-year-old trader was arrested crossing the border between Somalia and Kenya in late 2006. He is accused of being an Islamic extremist. A month later, he was illegally deported to Ethiopia, where he was held for two years in solitary confinement with no access to a lawyer or to Canadian embassy officials.
Makhtal's case was recently transferred to civilian court, where he finally heard the charges against him. The Ethiopian government alleges that he was a leader of the Ogaden National Liberation Front from 2003 to his arrest in 2006. As the head of a military and political training centre, he is alleged to have led 800 fighters into Somalia on a "terrorist mission."
The ONLF is fighting for Ogadeni independence from Ethiopia, which considers the group a terrorist organization. (The Canadian government does not.) Makhtal has repeatedly denied any active involvement in the ONLF, and says he is being persecuted because his grandfather, Makhtal Dahir, helped found the ONLF decades ago.
The evidence listed on the charges includes the names of six witnesses, all of whom Makhtal's lawyer and family believe were coerced into making statements against him. It also includes three pieces of documentary evidence, one of which is an ONLF news release claiming responsibility for an April, 2007 attack on an Ethiopian oil field.
The press release makes no mention of Makhtal, who had already been in solitary confinement for four months by the time of the attack.
Another piece of documentary evidence listed is the case number of an Ethiopian military court decision from the fall of 2008. Makhtal was brought before a secret military tribunal a half-dozen times last year. He was blindfolded, the proceedings were in Amharic -- a language he barely understands -- and he was not allowed to have a lawyer present.
The evidence "underscores the fact that trials in Ethiopia, particularly in a political context and certainly when ONLF suspects are involved, generally fall far, far short of international standards," said Alex Neve, secretary-general of Amnesty International Canada, adding that political trials in Ethiopia were "quite unpredictable."
"I can't say there's a good chance a judge will look at the flimsy evidence and laugh it out of court and Mr. Makhtal will be a free man because this could very well stretch out for many more sittings of the court," Neve said.
Baird has previously said he would consider going to Ethiopia to press for Makhtal's release, and members of the Makhtal family say they have been told that the minister plans to go in April.
"I'm hoping to welcome Mr. Makhtal home before then," Baird said Tuesday. "But I've had good discussions with Lawrence Cannon, the minister of foreign affairs (about going to Ethiopia). ... I'll be speaking to that issue after I see what goes on Thursday."
Baird met yesterday with Makhtal's cousin and main advocate, Said Maktal, to deliver the same message.
"At least now, after two years, I feel like the case is getting some attention from senior levels of government," Said Maktal said. "I think it's clear my cousin is never going to get a fair trial."
Said Maktal said he asked the minister to make sure that, if he did travel to Ethiopia, he went armed with a letter from Prime Minister Stephen Harper to Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.
"Meles Zenawi will not give it the attention it deserves unless it comes from the Canadian prime minster," Said Maktal said.

The Honourable Bob Rae Writes a second letter to foreign minister Lawrence Cannon

March 3rd, 2009 - Ottawa

Dear Minister Cannon,
Please accept this letter in conjunction with my previous correspondence on this same issue dated Feb 6th, 2009.
Recent reports on the illegal detention of Ethiopian opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa continue to be disturbing. I have been advised that Ms. Mideksa has been held in solitary confinement for over two months now, and remains isolated from her legal representation.
I am asking you to review Ms. Mideksa`s case and urge the Ethiopian government to move towards her safe release. I would appreciate an indication from you as to what steps Canada plans to take on this case.
Sincerely,

Hon. Bob Rae
Liberal Foreign Affairs Critic

JULIAN LAUNCHES CAMPAIGN TO FREE ETHOPIAN OPPOSITION LEADER BIRTUKAN MIDEKSA

MARCH 3, 2009
THE HONORABLE JULIAN LAUNCHES CAMPAIGN TO FREE ETHIOPIAN OPPOSITION LEADER BIRTUKAN
MIDEKSA
OTTAWA –Canada must stand up for democracy in Ethiopia and oppose the illegal and unjustified imprisonment of Birtukan Mideksa, a former judge and the leader of the Unity and Justice Opposition Party.
That is why New Democrat Peter Julian, MP (Burnaby-New Westminster) has tabled a Private Member’s Motion (M-344) at the House of Commons that calls on the Government of Canada to immediately use all diplomatic means possible to put pressure on the Ethiopian government to release Ms. Mideksa.
“Birtukan Mideksa is an inspiring woman and leader in a country where political freedom, democracy and equality for women are under direct attack. Canada must support her political efforts to bring about peace and democracy in Ethiopia” said Julian.
Ms. Mideksa has been rearrested and illegally detained since December 28 2008 after being originally pardoned of trumped up charges.
“This is a matter of fundamental democracy and human rights,” said Julian. “Here we have a very clear abuse of power by the Ethiopian government in an effort to shut down the democratic opposition. Canadians should be concerned and should add their voice to petitions currently being circulated to put pressure on the Ethiopian government to immediately release Ms. Mideksa.”
Ms Birtukan Mideksa has been held in solitary confinement in a prison cell only two-metres-squared in size. In addition to being forced to endure appalling, life-threatening conditions, Ms. Mideksa is at constant risk of torture.
International human rights organizations including Amnesty International have called for her release and many Canadians are expressing concern and are urging Canada to stand strong.

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M-334 — March 2, 2009 — Mr. Julian (Burnaby—New Westminster) — That the House express its concern over (i) the ongoing imprisonment by the Ethiopian Government of Ms. Birtukan Mideksa, President of the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party, originally pardoned of all charges against her before being arrested on December 28, 2008, (ii) her re-imprisonment without a formal hearing as guaranteed by Ethiopian law, (iii) her not been given full access to a lawyer, (iv) international monitoring organizations not been given access to her, (v) her limited contact with close family members; and furthermore, that the House call on the government to make use of every means at its disposal, in addition to working with its allies in the international community and at the United Nations, to exert maximum pressure on the Ethiopian Government to unconditionally release Ms. Mideksa and allow her to participate fully and peacefully in her position as the leader of a political party.

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Birtukan arrested for telling truth: According to US state department report

On December 5,a popular singer known as Teddy Afro (Tewodros Kassahun) was sentenced to six years in prison and fined 18,000 birr ($1,755) for the hit-and-run death of a homeless man in 2006. Some of Teddy Afro's songs were seen as opposition anthems during the violent aftermath of the 2005 elections. While it is unclear whether the conviction was politically motivated, the expeditious incarceration and prosecution of Afro's case 18 months after the alleged incident suggest political interference rather than solely delays in pursuing the case.
On December 29, Unity for Democracy and Justice Party president Birtukan Mideksa was rearrested for accurately telling European media organizations that she had not requested from the government a pardon leading to her release from jail in July 2007. President Girma Wolde-Giorgis revoked her pardon and reinstated her life sentence.
At year's end, many other political detainees, including CUD, ONLF, and OLF members, remained in prison.
In July and August 2007, the government pardoned 71 individuals arrested following demonstrations in 2005. The pardons permitted the defendants' future political participation, but in practice the government continued to limit that right.
The trial continued for most of the 52 individuals arrested in 2006-07 for alleged membership in the EPF, although two prominent ETA members reportedly disappeared
please click on the above link for full report

Tory ministers weigh in to support Canadian jailed in Ethiopia

Canadian Press
22/02/2009
OTTAWA — Two high-profile Conservative cabinet ministers are voicing support for Bashir Makhtal, a Canadian imprisoned for over two years in Ethiopia.
Citizenship and Immigration Minister Jason Kenney and Transport Minister John Baird both declared Sunday that they've seen no credible proof Makhtal is a criminal or a security risk.
"There's absolutely no evidence whatsoever that he's committed any crime," Baird told reporters as he prepared to address a meeting of about 200 Somali-Canadians.
"What we have here is a Canadian citizen whose civil liberties have been egregiously violated."
Kenney later told the meeting in an Ottawa banquet hall that Canada can't simply barge into a foreign country and "remove" a person facing a judicial process there.
But he said the government has successfully pressed Ethiopian authorities to allow visits by Canadian consular officials, to transfer Makhtal's case from a military tribunal to a civilian court, and to grant him access to legal counsel.
"We want to ensure that, one way or another, this matter is brought to a quick resolution," Kenney said. "And of course we, as Canadians, hope that resolution will see him come home to Canada as soon as possible."
The comments - by far the strongest public statements by the Tory government since the case came to light - were welcomed by Lorne Waldman, the Toronto lawyer hired by Makhtal's family to represent his interests.
"I think we've learned in the past that quiet diplomacy doesn't always work, so we're thrilled to have the ministers here," said Waldman.
"I think we're at a critical juncture (in the case.) We hope the Canadian government will take this up at the highest levels."
Ethiopia has laid charges accusing Makhtal of involvement in the Ogaden National Liberation Front, a separatist group whose founders included his grandfather.
But friends and family say he has never been active in the group. And Canada, unlike Ethiopia, doesn't classify the ONLF as a terrorist organization.
Makhtal, though born in Ethiopia, grew up in neighbouring Somalia and came to Canada in 1991. He studied computer programming, became a Canadian citizen and held jobs at two banks over the next 10 years, before deciding to return to East Africa to start a used-clothing business.
He was in Somalia, travelling on a Canadian passport, when Ethiopian troops invaded in 2006 and was detained by Kenyan police in December of that year as he tried to cross the border into their country.
He was held at first in Nairobi, then transferred to Somalia and eventually to Ethiopia, apparently as part of a multi-country roundup of suspects as part of the U.S.-led war on terror.
Waldman said it appeared Makhtal was simply in the wrong place at the wrong time.
Neither the Canadian Security Intelligence Service nor the RCMP had expressed interest in him during his years in Canada, said the lawyer. And neither the FBI nor the CIA have interrogated him in Ethiopia, although U.S. anti-terrorism officials have questioned others imprisoned there.
The case has been compared by some to that of Maher Arar, the Ottawa engineer who was detained by U.S. officials in New York and spirited to Syria to face torture.
A public inquiry later cleared his name and found the Americans had acted on the basis of erroneous allegations by the RCMP that Arar had ties to al-Qaida.
Baird went out of this way to rebut any comparison with the current case, saying the Canadian government was "in no way" involved in the arrest or detention of Makhtal.
Kenney, for his part, said Foreign Affairs Minister Lawrence Cannon has written to Ethiopian authorities on behalf of Makhtal. Former minister Peter MacKay, who has since moved to the defence portfolio, also intervened behind the scenes.
In addition, Tory MP Deepak Obhrai, the parliamentary secretary to the foreign affairs minister, visited Ethiopia last year and took up the case directly with the prime minister.
The slow pace of developments since then has been frustrating, Kenney acknowledged, but the government remains optimistic that "we're making progress."

Ethiopian Rebels Clash With Government Forces; at Least 45 Dead

By Jason McLure
Feb. 20 (Bloomberg) -- At least 45 people died in clashes between Ethiopia’s army and the separatist Ogaden National Liberation Front in the east of the country, government and rebel spokesmen said.

The ONLF said its ethnic Somali fighters killed 140 Ethiopian soldiers and allied militia members in battles over the past five days near the towns of Fik and Degehebur, according to an e-mailed statement from the group. In addition, 29 ONLF members died in the fighting, it said.

“The area around Degehebur is now completely in the hands of the ONLF, as is the area around the city of Fik,” it said.
Ethnic Somali rebels from the ONLF are seeking autonomy for Ethiopia’s Somali region, an arid tract of land twice the size of England, which is also known as the Ogaden. In June, New York-based Human Rights Watch accused the Ethiopian government of burning villages, executing civilians and raping women in an effort to quell the ONLF’s insurgency. Ethiopia denied the allegations.

Ethiopia’s government disputed the ONLF’s version of the latest fighting.

“This is completely wrong,” Ermias Legesse, Ethiopia’s state minister for communications, said in a phone interview today from Addis Ababa, the capital. “The regional peoples fought with the ONLF and they killed more than 45 ONLF soldiers.”
Legesse said three or four innocent people died in the fighting. He said he couldn’t respond to an ONLF claim that Ethiopian attack helicopters have been active in the region.
Opposition
Ethiopia claimed the Ogaden region in the late 19th century through a series of agreements with Italy and the U.K., which colonized much of modern-day Somalia. Ethnic Somalis from the Ogaden clan have opposed Ethiopian rule, and fighting in the region surged after the ONLF killed 73 Chinese and Ethiopian workers at an oil exploration site in the region in April 2007.
Ethiopia accuses neighboring Eritrea of backing the ONLF and has in turn backed Somali militias from rival clans to fight the rebel group.
Ethiopia has banned journalists from traveling independently in the region and rejected a United Nations call for an independent assessment of human rights atrocities.
To contact the reporter on this story: Jason McLure in Addis Ababa via Johannesburg at pmrichardson@bloomberg.net.

MEP Ana Gomes asked the Speaker of the Ethiopian Parliament “not to leave a stone unturned until Birtukan Midekssa is released”.

The request was put forward during a meeting of the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly, on 12 February, in Brussels, Belgium.
In reaction to the request, Mr. Teshome Toga argued that Ms. Midekssa has questioned the Ethiopian authorities, by publicly stating that she did not voluntarily ask for the governmental pardon that lead to the release of several political prisoners, in 2007.
“In which civilized country is someone sentenced to life imprisonment only for speaking publicly about the negotiations preceding her release from prison?!”, added Ms. Gomes, during the discussion.
The European Parliament passed last January a Resolution on the Horn of Africa, which asks for the immediate and unconditional release of Birtukan Midekssa, leader of the opposition party Unity for Democracy Justice (UDJ).
Background:
In 2006 Birtukan Midekssa was charged with treason, alongside other CUD leaders, parliamentarians, journalists and human rights defenders, tried and sentenced to life imprisonment. The majority of those found guilty were released by a negotiated pardon which took 18 month between Mr. Meles Zenawi and traditional elders in 2007.
In November 2008, Burtukan Midekssa spoke at a public meeting in Sweden about the process leading to her release. Ethiopian government officials responded by accusing her of denying that she had asked for a pardon. On 28 December she was rearrested. Shortly afterwords, the Ministry of Justice issued a statement revoking her pardon and re-imposing her original life sentence.
Amnesty International considers her a prisoner of conscience, at risk of torture, who was arrested solely for the peaceful exercise of her right to freedom of expression and association.