Immoral fund flow to the evil powerhouse of TPLF

By Robele Ababya,

The name Obama has now become a universal household word or idea synonymous to respect for human rights, rule of law, and democracy. The following quotation is striking in that respect particularly in the case of Ethiopia where thousands of political prisoners, including the icon Judge Birtukan Mideksa and artist Theodros Kassahun, are languishing in congested jails:
“Described as an 'Ethiopian Obama' and a brilliant speaker and organiser, she [Birtukan] has become a symbol of democracy in her own country, compared with figures like Burma's Aung San Suu Kyi." - The Independent
The Independent said nothing but the truth in the above quotation. Ethiopians are right in seeing Birtukan as their symbol of democracy in their bitter struggle with the crisis-ridden powerhouse of TPLF kept afloat by the support of the EU and IMF among others. Ethiopians have long come to the point of losing confidence and trust in the ruling regime because of rampant leadership crisis in their country under the misrule of Meles.
There are indeed four easily discernible crises in our country in terms of eroded moral authority, anachronistic ideology being secretly practiced, lack of confidence due to absence transparency, and mistrust in the integrity of the pathological liar, Meles
Yes, Birtukan is paying priceless sacrifice on behalf of her fellow citizens to put an end to these crises.
Irony of rewarding a tyrant
The tyrant Meles is now wealthier by the amount he can siphon from the US$ 320 million plus US$ 50 million given to his brutal regime by the EU and the IMF in that order. We know the lion’s portion of the donation will find its way back to the pockets of some corrupt officials of these two institutions and as well end up as salaries and allowances of experts recruited by these officials. Little will be left for poor Ethiopia to do any worthwhile project. The question is who will hold these institutions to account when they extract money from taxpayers and channel it to the tyrant despite his internationally known heinous crimes.
The propaganda value of the announcing in the media of these two amounts given in the name of Ethiopia is far greater, politically in enhancing his image, than the monetary share that Meles will get. The tyrant knows that the lion’s portion reverts to the givers as a price for their vote of confidence cast in his favor. We know how this money will evaporate in financing costs such as project identification, project document preparation, project appraisal trips, salary and emoluments of experts, ad infinitum. Imagine how much money per capita remains for poor Ethiopia after deductions for all these!
This support from the EU and IMF to the leader of the repressive regime came in the wake of hundreds being thrown into jail including the imprisonments of the iconic Judge Birtukan Mideksa, for exercising her right of freedom of expression, and the star artist Theodros Kassahun for his clarion call for love, unity, peace and reconciliation enshrined in the famous ballades of his songs. This reward is not surprising given the fact that the tyrant was given a red carpet reception to the G8 summit hosted by the former Prime Minister Tony Blair in Scotland, shamefully only a few days after the slaughtering by his security forces under his direct command of hundreds of peaceful demonstrators protesting his day light robbery of votes cast at the polls at the historic election of 2005.
Given the current crisis mainly attributable to World Bank, IMF and the Wall Street among others, it seems some leaders in the IMF exercised their last rites in rewarding their accomplices (in the act of embezzlement) before their impending demise by the tsunami of angry calls of the peoples of the world demanding basic changes in the way these institutions operate. Their demise is surely inevitable in view of the assurance uttered by none other than Prime Minister Gordon Brown during the Davos debate in Switzerland hosted by Farid Zacharia (Global Public Square), Prime Minister Gordon Brown assured the world that the present financial institutions will be radically overhauled to fit the emerging worldwide demand for effective
There seems no end to the double standard of some Western leaders. They preach democracy on one hand and deliver hefty rewards to internationally known grave violators of basic human rights on the other hand. In the context of the current worldwide economic down turn, one wonders if this double standard is not a crisis of leadership and moral bankruptcy then what is.
The following recent passage taken from http://www.ethiopundit.com/ is an apt description of the regime that the EU and IMF are keeping alive:
”The rulers no matter the hat they wear are actually the same people. Ethiopia's ruling party is actually a party no democrat would recognize. It is a bloody minded terrorist organization built on greed, fear, and deceit. It owns businesses, runs government monopolies, and regulates all of them. The whole rule is enforced by armies of tribal militias, espionage agents, spies, agents provocateurs, torturers, and gulag managers.”
Gratitude to the EU Parliament
EU Parliament has consistently played positive roles to assist the development of democracy and respect for human rights in Ethiopia; whereas the EU Commission has dealt a heavy blow to thwart these fundamental imperatives.
What the Honorable Members of the EU did in calling for the immediate release of Judge Birtukan is commendable.
Certainly, the Honorable Anna Gometz shall be eternally remembered as a principled and true friend of the oppressed people of Ethiopia. The validity of her words that there will be no democracy in Ethiopia as long as Meles is in power, is vividly manifest in the increasingly evil deeds of the tyrant. .
Lesson from Davos debates
I am sure most readers have watched the Davos debate in Switzerland on the current economic crisis battering the entire world. In particular one of the debates aired on the television on 31 January 2009 caught my attention. This is so because the crisis enumerated in the title to this piece was time and again articulated in the debate hosted by Nik Gowing of the BBC. The panelists included President Bharrat Jagdeo of Guyana, Professor Laura Tyson (Professor of Global Management at the University of California, Berkeley) and three others whose names I did not catch – a Professor of Economics at New York University, a CEO of Global Economics and a Vice President of AIG. For the sake of brevity I will mention three points among those of relevance to this piece:
The era of unbridled free-market economy is dead, according to the Professor from the University of New York who earned the reputation of being called Dr. Doomsday for predicting the onset of the present crisis years in advance.
Professor Tyson said that chief executive officers of corporations and their respective board of directors are not to blame for the current crisis because they were operating within the management structure in which they found themselves. A “risk management model”, mathematically contrived for one corporation and well understood at micro level was sold to and adopted by other corporations; this micro model is to blame in that it was applied at macro level causing unnoticed systemic problems leading to the current crisis. The Professor admitted there were law breakers with the structure like the now infamous Bernard Maddoff who swindled US$ 50 million from charity organizations and families including that of the Professor.
The President of Guyana served on the Boards of the World Bank and IMF before he retired to become President. He was paid tribute by the host for his advance warning of the present crisis. In the debate the President underlined that gone are the days when developing countries will be lectured by gurus of the industrialized countries on how to deal with their economic problems
I would hope that my fellow citizens will agree that the doctrine of absolute free-market economy is critically sick.; that the President of Guyana is so right that people of the developing world should rely on the advices of their own gurus in shaping their own destiny without succumbing to the diktat of Western powers; that Meles, like Maddoff, is a swindler to be caught and brought to justice.
Storm of anger & positive paradigm shift in the making
The storm of anger against gross violation of human rights and sellout of vital national interests is gathering. TPLF can not stop the momentum by force because time is on the side of democratic forces both at home and globally. I would like to cite the following encouraging examples:
(a)EWHRA says – “Enough”
The Ethiopian Women Human Rights Alliance (EWHRA) recently blessed us with their exhilarating Press Release demanding in no uncertain terms the immediate and unconditional release of Judge Birtukan Mideksa. This is a reassuring sign that the Ethiopian women reputed for their valor in fighting invaders have joined the foray in the bitter struggle to ensure the supremacy of the rule of law in Ethiopia and the development of democratic civil societies with no government interference. The Release ends with the stern warning “Enough” to the abuses of the TPLF regime.
I salute EWHRA sure that their resolve is unstoppable. Their own Birtukan has torn down the iron curtain of FEAR to let us into the train of HOPE in our journey to reclaim our right to unity, democracy and justice.
(b) Release Birtukan, says Dr, Bulcha Demeksa
This is a demand from a seasoned and highly educated gentleman with considerable in-depth knowledge of Ethiopian politics. It is my fervent prayer and ardent hope that Meles would respond to the call of this noble man of wisdom and release Judge Birtukan immediately.
Positive voice of Tigreans at home and Diaspora
The paradigm shift expressed in the communiqué by the Association of Tigreans in the Diaspora is a significant breakthrough in our struggle to save our Motherland on the course of disintegration due to the evil policy of TPLF contradicting the principles of democracy in all dimensions. The resolve to organize under a national emblem is commendable. Arena Tigrai is also moving in that positive direction. So, our struggle is moving in the right direction gathering momentum everyday.
I should add that the statement by Mr. Siye Abraha (in his interview with the VOA) giving credit to the Amharas for their contribution in the preservation of the territorial integrity of Ethiopia is wonderful. After all, as I will explain in the following paragraph all ethnic groups of Ethiopia share a common history bound by blood and a mosaic culture.
Urgent need for unity
The theme today is common humanity. Dissent must be based on well established historical facts. The ethnic-conflict exacerbated by the ruling regime as a matter of policy is a case in point for the regime does not take the uniqueness of the relationship of the various ethnic groups over centuries. It does so deliberately.. I wish to advance this argument further.
As an individual born to Oromo parents not by choice, I submit that my forebears were part and parcel of the Ethiopian politics in the past; I take pride for their countless achievements as much as I share the blame for their mistakes. The Oromos came to the corridor of power in the Solomon Dynasty during the reign of Emperor Iyasu in Gonder. Ras Gugssa, descendant of the first Ras Ali of Yejju Oromos, ruled Ethiopia for twenty eight years. Great patriotic leaders like Ras Gobena Dacthe, Fitawrari Haptegiorgis Dinegde, Dejazmatch Balcha Abanebsso, et al played noble and patriotic roles for the preservation of the unity of Ethiopia. Oromos were in the corridor of power during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie and the Derg. But it is TPLF that has downgraded the Oromos to the level of stooges by excluding them from holding real political power., Thank God, the Amharas, Oromos, Guraghes, all Tigreans opposed to TPLF policy, Kembatas, Hadeyas et al are now wide awake to the treachery of TPLF and Shaebia (EPLF). Thank God, Ethiopians, including Birtukan Mideksa, born out of mixed ethnicity constitute the overwhelming majority of the present Ethiopian population.
True love knows no ethnic boundary. Marriage between the Anuaks and Nuers as well as with members of other ethnic groups in Ethiopia is undeniable, for we have friends to prove it. The same is true of other ethnic groups I did not mention. Tigreans may have been married to Oromos and Amharas, otherwise where did Ras Araya Gugssa, Dejazmatch Haile Selassie Gugssa and Hailemarriam Gugssa (the leader of the first Woyanne) get their second name. Centuries ago, Basha Dori was the administrator of Bahr Negash later called Massawa. Dori is an Oromo name. There are the Raya Oromos in Tigrai.
There is no question that this majority will increasingly hold its commanding numerical superiority eventually shaming hypocrites in the TPLF regime playing the ethnicity game in our politics. I say Amen to the inevitable trend. Dissent based on wrong premise should not impede our unity so indispensable to our victory over tyranny.
Counting of the number of people in a society begins with one individual. Therefore the right to life, liberty and prosperity of an individual translates to all members of that society as a whole.
The great people of the USA elected Barrak Obama as their President not because he is African American. They elected him for the content of his character. I believe we Ethiopians should borrow a leaf from this example and ensure the fundamental right of the individual regardless of his/her ethnic origin. This must be the starting point to secure the unity that most of us crave.
We need to create a political space that lets the individual to climb to the zenith of power on merit by consent of the people in a fair and free election.
Jails for prisoners of conscience must soon be a thing of the past in our Ethiopia! This must be achieved by us for ourselves. Let us say “Enough” to the abuses of TPLF and demand the immediate and unconditional release of Birtukan Mideksa and all political prisoners.
Let us admit that it is the fault of opposition forces due to lack of unity that foreign fund is flowing to the divisive evil powerhouse of the repressive regime encouraging it to continue its gross violation of human rights acknowledged by the international community.
LONG LIVE ETHIOPIA!

Human Rights Watch, World Report 2009 - Ethiopia,

Human Rights Watch, World Report 2009 - Ethiopia,
The Ethiopian government's human rights record remains poor, marked by an ever-hardening intolerance towards meaningful political dissent or independent criticism. Ethiopian military forces have continued to commit war crimes and other serious abuses with impunity in the course of counterinsurgency campaigns in Ethiopia's eastern Somali Region and in neighboring Somalia.
Political Repression
The limited opening of political space that preceded Ethiopia's 2005 elections has been entirely reversed. Government opponents and ordinary citizens alike face repression that discourages and punishes free expression and political activity. Ethiopian government officials regularly subject government critics or perceived opponents to harassment, arrest, and even torture, often reflexively accusing them of membership in "anti-peace" or "anti-people" organizations. Farmers who criticize local leaders face threats of losing vital agricultural inputs such as fertilizer or the selective enforcement of debts owed to the state. The net result is that in most of Ethiopia, and especially in the rural areas where the overwhelming majority of the population lives, there is no organized opposition to the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).
please click the link above for more detail

CANADIAN MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS CRITIC OF THE LIBERAL PARTY THE HONORABLE BOB RAE WRITES A STRONG LETTER TO FOREIGN AFFAIRS MINSTER

CANADIAN MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS CRITIC OF THE LIBERAL PARTY THE HONORABLE BOB RAE WRITES A STRONG LETTER TO FOREIGN AFFAIRS MINSTER LAWRENCE CANNON REGARDING BERUKAN MIDEKSSA'S IMPRISONMENT
FEBRUARY6,2009
I write to you in support of the Kinijit Organization for Human Rights and Democracy, along with many other organizations, in calling for the safe release of Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa, chairwoman of the United for Democracy and Justice Party in Ethiopia.
According to UN sources, Ms. Mideksa was arrested on December 29, 2008 by security forces and is still held without charge and in solitary confinement in a prison outside Addis Ababa. In your letter response to an email dated January 7th, you wrote “Canada continues to closely monitor the situation in Ethiopia, and maintains a commitment to the development of a strong democracy.`` Minister Cannon, that is not enough.
I ask you as Canada’s Foreign Minister, and the official Canadian voice to the international community, to call for her immediate release. Ethiopia is signatory to the UN Convention against Torture and other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, a commitment which clearly prohibits torture and other cruel, and degrading treatment.
In this case, the Ethiopian government has shown disregard for their commitments to international law. The Ethiopian government’s continued practice of detainment without, trial and harsh domestic repression is both illegal and immoral.
I urge you to take action on this issue and speak out on behalf of all Canadians.

Sincerely,

Hon Bob Rae

Ethiopia: OFDM’s Bekele Jirata freed on bail, Bulcha Calls for Birtukan’s release

Birtukan has been jailed because she is a very strong and serious contender to Prime Minister Meles - Bulcha Demeksa, OFDM Leader

ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - A leading Ethiopian opposition politician was freed on bail on Wednesday after he was jailed last November after the government accused him of working with rebels, his party said.

Bekele Jirate, 54, a top official with the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM), was accused by the authorities of working “hand-in-glove” with insurgents like the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).

“I am very happy because not only is he important for our party, he is innocent,” OFDM leader Bulcha Demeksa told Reuters. He said no date had been set for Bekele’s trial. The OFDM said another leading opposition politician remains in solitary confinement.

The OLF is one of several rebel groups in the Horn of Africa nation and has been fighting for independence for the southern Oromo region since 1993.

Opposition groups accuse Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s government of harassment, and the OFDM says the security forces have jailed hundreds of ethnic Oromos in recent months. The government denies it.

Bulcha called for the immediate release of Birtukan Mideksa, a former judge who heads the newly created Unity for Democracy and Justice party. She has been in solitary confinement since December and went on hunger strike for 13 days last month.

Regional analysts consider the 34-year-old to be the country’s foremost opposition figure.

“She has been jailed because she is a very strong and serious contender to Prime Minister Meles,” Bulcha said.

Birtukan was first jailed after elections in 2005 ended in street violence that killed 199 civilians. She was pardoned in 2007 after she agreed, along with other opposition leaders, to take responsibility for the unrest.

She was rearrested after refusing to retract a speech made in Sweden last year in which she denied she was involved in the talks that led to her release.

The OFDM accused the government of intimidation as voters went to the polls last April for the first time since the 2005 bloodshed. It said almost all its nominees for the local elections had been threatened and forced to pull out of the race. Ethiopia will hold parliamentary elections next year.

Jailed – judge who refused to say sorry

Since being feted by Tony Blair, Ethiopia's government has grown increasingly intolerant of dissent – and the leader of its main opposition party is paying the price.
By Daniel Howden
Tuesday, 3 February 2009
Birtukan Mideksa has been sentenced to life in prison. She spends her days and nights in solitary confinement in a two-metre by two-metre cell. She cannot leave it to see daylight or even to receive visitors. Previous inmates say the prison is often unbearably hot.

Her crime: refusing to say sorry. The judge, aged 34, is the head of Ethiopia's most popular political party, the only female leader of a main opposition party in Africa.

The government in Addis Ababa had her arrested on 28 December, claiming she had violated the terms of an earlier pardon.

Her previous release in 2007, which came after serving two years in prison, was conditional on her signing an apology for taking part in protests against fixed elections.

In November, the woman who is becoming a democratic icon in Ethiopia told an audience in Sweden that she had not asked for a pardon. On returning to Ethiopia it was demanded that she sign further apologies and, when she refused, she was re-arrested. The Ministry of Justice then issued a statement reimposing her life sentence.

Mesfin Woldemariam, an award-winning Ethiopian human rights campaigner, is clear about what she says is going on: "She refuses to bow to them. They want her to submit, but she didn't submit when she was a judge. That's why she left the bar. And she won't now. She's a tough cookie." She won national acclaim by defying government control of the courts and resigning the bar to practice law after high-profile decisions were overturned.

The charges against her go to the heart of Ethiopia's experiment with democracy in 2005 and the violent backlash that followed the country's flawed first attempt at a multi-party election.

When demonstrators, including Ms Mideksa, took to the streets to protest at the skewed results which returned the ruling party, the police opened fire, killing at least 187 people. The opposition leadership, along with thousands of others, were rounded up and jailed.

"In 2005, we expected the results of the national parliamentary elections as a strong foundation for building a temple of democracy in Ethiopia," she told a US Senate hearing in 2007. "Our hopes were dashed, and we found ourselves trapped in a burning house of tyranny."

Her response since being released has been to unite the fragments of opposition into a single party committed to non-violence, democratic reform and an independent judiciary.

A mother who has missed much of her five-year-old daughter's life so far, she has shown remarkable courage. "I'm not afraid of going to jail," she said last year after founding the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party. "Not because that is not a possibility. I know that could happen."

Professor Woldemariam was with her when it did happen. Five cars pulled up and the pair were confronted violently by police while on a street in the capital city. "They behaved as if there was a prize for the first person who got her," the former Fulbright scholar and now professor of geography recalls.

When he asked why they had not issued a warrant and asked her to give herself into custody, one of the men turned on him. "He hit me with the butt of his gun and they pushed her into a car and took her."

Her destination was a cell in the notorious Kaliti prison outside the capital Addis Ababa. It's a place with which she is already intimately acquainted, where prisoners are kept in conditions she once described as "dehumanising", "atrocious" and "barbarous".

The UK director of Amnesty International, Kate Allen, said: "There appears to be no lawful reason why Birtukan Mideksa was arrested or remains in detention. She has now been held for a month in solitary confinement and still has not been charged. This is unacceptable."

Ethiopia's Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, has been in power since 1995. He was formerly feted as a progressive voice by Tony Blair but he has become markedly dictatorial during his years in power. One regional analyst said the government was becoming increasingly paranoid.

"This came in the context of an election that the government lost control of in 2005, and ahead of 2010 elections that it fully intends to keep from going the same way."

Recently, laws have been passed to heavily restrict the work of international non-government organisations, despite an ongoing famine in areas of the country. "Much of the government's behaviour stems from security concerns, and a lack of understanding that improving human rights will actually help to mitigate many of their concerns," said the analyst.

Professor Woldemariam, one of a few people still prepared to speak out in a country he describes as a "police state", says the regime had become frightened of Ms Mideksa. "They are looking for any excuse to get her because she's a dynamic girl who is getting increasingly popular. They want to cut her short."

But it will not be easy to intimidate her, he believes. "She has such faith in the law. She says to me, 'the law says this, the law says that ...'. I said to her: 'What law are you talking about? You were locked up for two years with no due process.'"

Described as an "Ethiopian Obama" and a brilliant speaker and organiser, she has become a symbol of democracy in her own country, compared with figures like Burma's Aung San Suu Kyi.

There is reported to be deep disquiet among the general population at her arrest and conditions of detention, even though their dissent is not tolerated. Ethiopia, largely Orthodox Christian, has been a staunch ally of the American-led war on terror and a partner in its disastrous policy on Somalia.

The arrest of Ms Mideksa has sparked criticism from some American senators and the hope that the Obama administration might change Washington's relationship with the Zenawi government.

"There is no democracy in Ethiopia today, despite empty claims of 'recent bold democratic initiatives' taken by our government," Ms Mideksa told US senators.

Many in Ethiopia and its large diaspora are hoping that Mr Obama's offer to "extend a hand" to dictatorships who would unclench their fists included a message to Addis Ababa.

Ms Mideksa has already given Washington her advice: "Ethiopia has many problems, including a legacy of repression, corruption and mismanagement. The US can help by using its considerable influence to encourage the government to negotiate with the opposition. It will not be easy to confront the past.

"We must start at the right point by embracing the rule of law, human rights and democracy."

Views from cyberspace: What the blogs say

*There is an old Ethiopian proverb which in translation says, "Oh, Mr Hyena, don't give me excuse to eat me". (Aya jibo sata mehagne blagne). Why is Zenawi resorting to such thuggish tactics against Birtukan? And Professor Mesfin? And the [Unity for Democracy and Justice Party]? Is he trying to create a convenient distraction from his devastating defeat in Somalia? - Quatero News and Views

*Birtukan has modelled courage and conviction. I do not think she is asking the Ethiopian people to personally rescue her; but instead, on behalf of others. - Anyuak Media

* Birtukan Mideksa continues to impress millions of her fellow compatriots to promote the struggle forthe triumph of democracy over tyranny. - Ethiomedia

*In fact, the Ethiopian tyrant has killed far more innocent people than the Zimbabwean tyrant. The Ethiopian tyrant also has rigged national elections for three times like the Zimbabwean tyrant. I hope and I believe democrats as well as President Obama will restore respect for the US by supporting people who aspire for their democratic rights. - Shemolo

Prominent political leader's imprisonment attracts international condemnation

Birtukan Mideksa, 34

Ethiopian opposition leader and former judge Ms. Birtukan Mideksa jailed for life by increasingly repressive Ethiopian regime
By Chelsey Lepage

Human rights demonstrators gathered last week throughout the world to demand the unconditional release of jailed Ethiopian opposition leader Ms. Birtukan Mideksa and called for an end to American aid to the authoritarian regime of Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

The recent arrest of Mideksa, 34, comes only 17 months after she was released from jail after spending nearly two years as a political prisoner in the aftermath of contested national elections in 2005.

In Seattle, amidst a chorus of peaceful protest slogans, activists collected cards of support for the charismatic politician, wishing her strength and encouragement and pledging continued support towards her release. Part of an international postcard campaign organized by the newly-formed Ethiopian Women Human Rights Alliance (EWHRA), the cards will be sent along with hundreds of others from around the world to Kaliti federal prison in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia where Mideska has been detained in solitary confinement since her arrest on December 29,2008.

"The purpose of the campaign is to mobilize Ethiopians and human rights activists, anywhere and everywhere, to express [their] support and encouragement…and to send a message to the regime in power that the world is watching," explains Portland-based activist and founding member of EWHRA, Lulit Mesfin.

Birtukan Mideksa, leader of the Unity for Democracy Justice party, is the first woman to lead a major political party in Ethiopia, a country with a population of 77 million.

The re-imprisonment of Mideska has drawn strong condemnation from international human rights organizations and lawmakers in the United States and European Union, who have criticized the Ethiopian government’s increasingly brutal rule.

In a statement issued on January 9, 2009, US Congressman Donald Payne, Chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health, called for the immediate release of Mideksa, whom he called a “prominent political leader and staunch human rights advocate”, and warned that “the Ethiopian government must realize that brutality and repression will never succeed in crushing the aspiration for democracy and freedom.”

Following the contested elections of May 2005, the Ethiopian government launched a sweeping crackdown on dissent. Government security forces killed at least 193 unarmed civilians during protests against the election results, and scores of opposition party leaders, academics, lawyers, human rights advocates and members of the press were arrested and imprisoned throughout the country. Mideksa was charged with treason, along with other prominent opposition leaders and supporters, and sentenced to life in prison following a lengthy internationally condemned political trial. She was released along with 37 others after local elders negotiated a pardon with the Ethiopian government in July 2007.

According to a statement by the Ethiopian Ministry of Justice, Mideksa’s pardon was revoked as a result of statements she made publicly in Sweden in November 2008 regarding the circumstances surrounding her release. She now faces a life sentence in federal prison.

Mideksa insists that all statements she made were accurate and within the boundaries of her constitutional rights.

”In my opinion, the reason why all these illegal imprisonments and warnings are aimed at me have nothing to do with…inaccurate statements or rules broken, “ said Mideksa in an open letter to the press a couple of days prior to her arrest. “The message is clear and this message is not only for me but also for all who are active in the peaceful struggle.”

She now faces a life sentence in kality prison.

Ethiopia curb on charities alarms human rights activists

Human rights activists have accused the Ethiopian government of tightening its grip on power through a new law on charity funding that they claim will criminalize human rights work and clamp down on political debate ahead of next year's elections.

At the core of the charities and societies proclamation (CSO law) that came into force this month, is a provision stating that any organization receiving over 10% of its funding from abroad is a "foreign NGO".

Once designated as "foreign", an organization is not allowed to engage in activities concerning democratic and human rights, conflict resolution or criminal justice.

Ostensibly, the law is designed to ensure those who engage in Ethiopian politics should be Ethiopian nationals. However, not even the largest human rights groups in Ethiopia can raise enough money domestically in what is one of the world's poorest countries.

Ethiopian officials say the law is simply in line with the constitution, which forbids foreigners from taking part in domestic political activities. But human rights groups and Ethiopians abroad view the law as a draconian act by an increasingly authoritarian government, especially since the contested elections of 2005.

The critics of the Meles Zenawi government say the law is but the latest in a series of measures aimed at cracking down on dissent, ranging from the censorship of the media to the arrest of opposition leaders. The US and Britain have tried to persuade the Ethiopian government, which is a major beneficiary of foreign aid, to dilute the measure.

"We appreciate that some of our concerns have been addressed," the Foreign Office said in a statement. "However, core elements of the legislation, notably the provisions on foreign funding and social advocacy, have not been changed. We are concerned that the law could limit the legitimate activities of Ethiopian and international CSOs undertaking development work in Ethiopia."

The outgoing Bush administration, which viewed Ethiopia as an important ally in its "war on terror", said this month that the law may restrict US government assistance to Ethiopia.

Organizations such as the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, the main group carrying out human rights monitoring, and the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association, a woman's advocacy group, depend overwhelmingly on foreign money - by as much as 90%.

The only associations in Ethiopia that do not rely on foreign funds are the so-called mass associations, known as gongos, which are dismissed by critics as "impostors of democracy" because they are essentially ruling party or government-run organizations.

The law also provides for the establishment of a regulating body - the Charities and Societies Agency - with extensive, albeit unclear and arbitrary, powers over the registration of charities and over how they work.

CANADIAN NDP MP PAUL DEWAR CONDEMNS THE IMPRISONMENT OF BERTUKAN MIDEKSSA

Minister of Foreign Affairs
House of Commons
Ottawa, Ontario
K1A 0A6
January 15, 2009
Dear Minister Cannon,

Since December 28, 2008, Ethiopian government authorities have held opposition party leader Birtukan Mideksa without charge, in solitary confinement. Amnesty International reports that Ms. Mideksa has been on a hunger strike in protest at her detention. Her arrest for the peaceful exercise of her freedoms to expression and association make her a prisoner of conscience.

Concerns have been raised by independent international human rights organizations that she has not been provided medical assistance. This is of particular import in light of her ongoing hunger strike. Also, she has not been provided access to legal representation of her own choosing. Furthermore, I am deeply concerned that Ms. Mideksa is at risk of torture or other ill-treatment due to her confinement in isolation.
Canada’s NDP believes that the Government of Canada must call on the Ethiopian authorities to release Birtukan Mideksa immediately and unconditionally, unless she is charged with a recognizable criminal offense.
I look forward to your immediate action.

Sincerely,

Paul Dewar, MP
Ottawa Center

European Parliament resolution on the situation in the Horn of Africa

The European Parliament,

– having regard to its previous resolutions on the Horn of Africa countries,

– having regard to the report of the mission to the Horn of Africa adopted by its Committee on Development on 8 December 2008,

– having regard to Rule 103(2) of its Rules of Procedure,
22. Regrets that the Ethiopian parliament has ratified the Proclamation for the Registration and Regulation of Charities and Societies; calls for significant adaptations to be made to guarantee basic human rights principles; calls for a non-restrictive implementation of this law, and insists on close monitoring of its implementation by the Commission;

23. Urges the Ethiopian authorities to review the press law and party registration law, as well as the composition of the Election Board, so as to ensure that the political rights of opposition parties are guaranteed; urges it to investigate the allegations of harassment and arbitrary arrests affecting the opposition and civil society organisations and to bring those responsible to trial;

24. Is outraged at the imprisonment of Birtukan Midekssa, leader of the opposition party Unity for Democracy Justice (UDJ), and demands her immediate and unconditional release;

25. Calls on the Ethiopian authorities to swiftly handle the request for registration by the Ethiopian National Teachers' Association (NTA), in accordance with the respective laws and rules, and stop persecuting members of this association;

26. Calls on the governments of Ethiopia, Eritrea and Djibouti and the Council, in accordance with Article 8 and Annex VII of the Revised Cotonou Agreement, to jointly agree to deepen the political dialogue on human rights, democratic principles and the rule of law, including the issues mentioned above, with a view to defining benchmarks and attaining tangible results and progress on the ground;

27. Recognises that elections are due to take place in Sudan in 2009, but notes that the amendment of the laws which restrict freedom of expression and organisation for individuals, political parties and the media, and which contravene the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and the Interim National Constitution (INC), has not yet taken place, nor has a National Human Rights Commission been formed; stresses that repealing these laws and replacing them with legislation that is in line with the CPA and INC and the creation of the National Human Rights Commission are necessary preconditions for an environment in which free and fair elections can take place;

28. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Commission, the Council, the placePlaceNameMemberPlaceType States, the Chair of the African Union Commission, the Chair-in-Office of the African Union Assembly, the General Secretary of the African Union, the Pan-African Parliament, the Governments and Parliaments of the IGAD countries, and the Chairs of the ACP-EU Parliamentary Assembly.

Jailed Ethiopian Opposition Leader Mideksa on Hunger Strike

By Jason McLure
Jan. 8 (Bloomberg) -- Ethiopia’s leading opposition politician is in her 10th day of a hunger strike after she was jailed for life on Dec. 29 following a dispute with the government, according to her mother.

Birtukan Mideksa, 34, has been taking only juice and water and is being held in solitary confinement in a windowless 3-meter by 4-meter (10-foot by 13-foot) cell in Ethiopia’s Kaliti prison, said her mother, Almaz Gebregziabhere, who visited her in prison yesterday.

“I didn’t recognize her because of how she’s changed,” said Gebregziabhere, 72, in an interview today at her home in Addis Ababa. “I begged her for the sake of her daughter to eat, but she didn’t.”

Prison officials have banned all visitors except Gebregziabhere and Mideksa’s 3-year-old daughter, Halle, from visiting her, Gebregziabhere said. Gebregziabhere, speaking in Amharic through a translator, said the family had been unable to hire a lawyer for Mideksa because those contacted on her behalf have turned her down as a client, fearing government reprisals.

Mideksa, a leader of the now-dissolved Coalition for Unity and Democracy party, was first jailed after Ethiopia’s 2005 elections, in which the CUD claimed victory. She and dozens of other opposition leaders were sentenced to life in prison, though they were released in 2007 after a pardon agreement with the government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

She was re-arrested Dec. 29 after she rejected government demands that she make a public statement saying she had formally requested the original pardon.

‘Humane Condition’

Bereket Simon, an adviser to Zenawi, said he wasn’t aware of Mideksa’s fast.

“We have a prison system whereby we hold prisoners in a humane condition,” Simon said. “This is a case where she has said that she didn’t ask for pardon and the decision of the judiciary is being applied. At this point, I don’t think it requires intervention by lawyers.”

Simon also said the government wasn’t interested in potential mediation efforts by the independent group that negotiated Mideksa’s initial release.

Following their release in 2007, some former CUD leaders chose exile in the U.S. or U.K. Mideksa stayed in Ethiopia and formed a new party that planned to contest the 2010 elections.

“Look what has happened to her,” said Berhanu Nega, who along with Mideksa led the CUD movement in 2005, in a phone interview from Lewisburg, Pennsylvania. The government “will never allow any peaceful transition in that country.”

Call to Struggle

Nega, who was elected mayor of Addis Ababa in 2005 before his imprisonment, has called for armed struggle to oust Zenawi. Nega left Ethiopia after his release from prison in 2007 to teach at Bucknell University in Pennsylvania.

His new movement, Ginbot 7, has formed an underground network inside Ethiopia with the goal of overthrowing Zenawi’s Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, Nega said.

The U.S., which views Ethiopia as a key ally in the fight against terrorism, offered a rare rebuke to Zenawi’s government following Mideksa’s arrest, warning Ethiopia to avoid steps that appear to “criminalize dissent.”

Government opponents accused the state of rigging the May 2005 poll, sparking protests in Addis Ababa. A judicial inquiry after the election concluded that government security forces had killed 193 opposition supporters in the unrest.

To contact the reporter on this story: Jason McLure in Addis Ababa via the Johannesburg bureau at abolleurs@bloomberg.net.
Last Updated: January 8, 2009 13:51 EST

“I do not believe that all this intimidation and threat is aimed only at me”

Birtukan Mideksa's letter
(Translated to English by Andinet North American Support Association. The original letter was posted on the Web a day or two prior to her arrest). | January 1, 2009
My Word (My testimony)
It is very difficult to describe what I felt after watching on Ethiopian Television the very same warning that was given to me at the federal police after being summoned there the afternoon of December 23, 2008. Although there is nothing that I will say different from what I know and believe in, I have decided to write this to clarify the issue since what happened has raised questions among the public. Perhaps this can even be my last word.

Let me start with the mediation. The underlying spirit of the mediation led by the elders was to come up with an agreement that can bring the two parties into harmony and resume the political process through injecting a sense of reconciliation. The elders were not aiming at blaming one party while absolving the other from the blames. Instead, what they sought was for each party to ask forgiveness from the public for the problems that followed the 2005 election.
Furthermore, the elders also expected the parties to the negotiation to ask forgiveness from each other and to establish their respective political views on items considered principal in order to move forward with the spirit of reconciliation. The elders continued to present to the two parties proposals they felt will help achieve the above stated objectives. They also tried to facilitate the exchange of ideas between the parties and tried to find a compromised solution.

Therefore, the mediation which was focused on achieving a negotiated deal took place not only with the blessing of the government but also with its active participation. Through the process the government had agreed to guarantee that it will start again to respect the country’s constitution and to compensate citizens and families who suffered due to the violence following the 2005 election. However, later while the negotiation continued to progress and the time for the court to render a verdict was approaching, the coordinators of elders informed us of a very disturbing development. We were told that the other party was no longer willing to agree on any issue other than the one in which we, the jailed ones, ask forgiveness from the government and the people. We were told that they were particularly not willing to agree on the discussion points dealing with the government. Nevertheless, even with this, the spirit of reconciliation upon which the negotiation was based was not altered. Though some of the discussion points were abandoned, the elders continued with their mediation role after explaining that if we sign the document, which was crafted on the basis of our country’s tradition of forgiveness, the case would be stopped and the court file would be closed. And using the Prime Minister’s exact words, the elders confirmed to us that the Prime Minster had said: “If this document is signed, using my executive power I will make sure that the charges be dropped.” In relation to this, an agreement was also reached that “all prisoners who were jailed throughout the country due to issues linked to CUD will be released without any precondition; direct political discussion between the government and the former leaders of CUD will resume; and that leaders of the party will continue with the work of the party without any limitations.” Moreover, the document was signed after confirming that it was being signed to the elders and after that the elders will write a letter to the prime minster based on the signed document. It was also agreed that the document will in no way be used by any of the parties for a political gain. As one of the prisoners I had indeed signed the document, a fact which I have never denied. In accordance with the spirit of reconciliation the elders championed and to give a political conclusion to a charge that emanated from politics, out of commitment for reconciliation and after agreeing with other leaders of the party, I have asked forgiveness through the elders by signing on the document dated June 18, 2006. This is a fact that I cannot change even if I want to.

What was expected after this was the termination of the charge and the closing of the files, according to the promise the Prime Minister had made to the elders. However, the process took a different turn. The office of the prosecutor which is led by the Prime Minster failed to terminate the charge. Instead, we the accused received a life sentence. What happened after this was not based on our agreement, rather it was orchestrated with the permission of the Prime Minster. Then in the end, the case was concluded with our release, after the president of the country granted clemency to the prisoners.

Then, to present a process that has this type of complex features as a case that followed a normal legal process for asking forgiveness is either foolishness or ignorance.

According to the law, an accused person is supposed to submit a request for pardon to a clemency board, and not to the Prime Minister. When it comes to us, the letter that we signed for the elders was submitted to the clemency board by the Prime Minister. It might also be possible to say that it is the Prime Minister who asked for the forgiveness. However, according to the law, the person who can submit an appeal for clemency is the concerned person or his/her lawyer or family members but it is not the Prime Minister. The law also stipulates that such applications could be submitted only after the court process has been completed and a verdict has been rendered. In our case since from the start we did not have an intention to conclude the case with asking for forgiveness, the document was signed to the elders before the court passed its verdict. Therefore, based on this truth I have not asked for forgiveness within what the law stipulates. Yet I have not denied signing the document which the elders cajoled us into signing on June 22, 2006 for the sake of reconciliation. Thus, how is it to say that I have signed this document and I have not denied the content of the document constitute a crime? Where is the mistake?

And what I said on this topic while traveling abroad was exactly explaining and elaborating on this and it had no other form. I suspect that perhaps what I said was misinterpreted.

And even if what I said was said to be inaccurate, should that result in being required to go back and forth to the police station both with and without a warrant? Impossible. And even if it initiates a question of accountability, how can it revoke a pardon granted by the President? Also, even if it is considered enough to revoke the pardon, what legal authority have the federal police to investigate the case and issue a warning?

On December 10, 2008 when the Federal Police commissioner sent two officers of the District 12 Police to ask me to go to his office, I went to his office thinking that he probably wanted to talk to me about our Unity Party. However, when he told me the reason I was summoned to his office was related to the pardon, the first question I asked him was what authority the police have in relation to this issue. But his response was accompanied with a smile of surprise and said this is not an academic discussion and it is better for you to stop this kind of question. But what they found to be funny and perplexing is something great that I will forever live for, stand for, and sometimes get jailed and released for – it is the rule of law and abiding by the constitution.

Lawlessness and arrogance are things that I will never get used to, nor will cooperate with. That is why I did not go to the Federal Police Commissioner’s office when on December 24, 2008 he summoned me to his office again through a messenger but without a legal warrant. But when I received a legal warrant in the afternoon of the same day, I did not waste a minute to go to his office. What awaited me at the Commissioner’s office and what was stated in the warrant were very different. Instead of asking me questions as stated in the warrant, what the Commissioner did was to give me a warning that sounded like an order. He said that unless I retract the statement I made in Sweden within three days, the government will remove the pardon and lock me in jail.

The only person that can remove the pardon is the President, and not the Executive that you consider the government. Twenty days after the request for removal of a pardon has been received by the person, if the pardon board agrees with the decision, the request will be presented to the president, and it is only after that the President might revoke the pardon. I wanted to explain to the Commissioner these proper processes that are necessary to remove a pardon. But I did not do that. After confirming that he has finished his speech, I left the room without saying a word.

In my opinion the reason why all these illegal intimidation's and warnings are aimed at me have nothing to do with playing with words or inaccurate statements or rules broken. The message is clear and this message is not only for me but also for all who are active in the peaceful struggle. A peaceful and law-abiding political struggle can be conducted only within the limits the ruling party and individuals set and not according to what the constitution allows. And for me it is extremely difficult to accept this.

----

BIRTUKAN MIDEKSSA THE LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION PARTY UNITY FOR DEMOCRACY AND JUSTICE (UDJ)formerly(CUDP)HAS BEEN IMPRISONED FOR LIFE

Ms. Bertukan Mideksa, an opposition leader Ethiopians regard as a unifying force of their ethnically-fragmented country, may be sent to Kaliti, a notorious prison where the 34-year-old former judge spent nearly two years before her release last year.

A Clemency Board controlled by the ruling party on Saturday decided that the leader of the opposition Unity for Democracy and Justice Party (UDJP - Andinet) should be arrested for allegedly failing to give “adequate response” to police.

On Sunday, www.abugidainfo.com, a pro-democracy website based in Boston, broke the news that the Clemency Board was after the arrest of Bertukan, the first female leader of a major opposition party in the history of Ethiopia. The government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi is incriminating Ms. Bertukan for telling support groups in Europe last November that she and other leaders of the former Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) were released thanks to mediation efforts by a group of prominent elders called shimagle.

The government wants the opposition leader to acknowledge that her release was dependent on taking responsibilities for the violence that followed the 2005 elections, and posting an apology to the government in exchange for clemency.

If the head of state, President Girma Woldegiorgis, approved the Clemency Board's request for the arrest of the opposition leader, Bertukan would end up behind bars, the report that appeared in Amharic on AbugidaInfo warned. Observers say the symbolic head of state has no executive power, and he would approve whatever the Clemency Board passed as a decision.

Police last week gave Bertukan a three-day ultimatum either to recant her remarks or go to jail for life. She said she had committed no wrongdoing.

“The relentless campaign of fear and intimidation targets not only me but also all law-abiding activists,” Bertukan warned in a statement.

Since the last several days, Ms. Bertukan has been the target of vitriolic attacks by the state-run media, while her daily life has been haunted by government security agents who check her movement in four cars.

Bertukan and her party, UDJP enjoy tremendous support at home and abroad.

Despite the threat of arrest in the spy-infested society, UDJP was able to draw over 5,000 enthusiastic supporters to its first ever meeting in Addis recently.

Following news of the government campaign of intimidation, Bertukan was able to draw a swift show of solidarity from the powerful association of UDJP support groups in North America.
The Zenawi regime, which has deliberately fragmented Ethiopia under an apartheid-look-alike system of misrule since 1991, is often denounced by human rights organizations as one of the most ruthless regimes in Africa.

BREAKING NEWS.....
The Ethiopian government IS THREATENING to re-arrest opposition party leader Ms. Birtukan Mideksa within three days if she refuses to publicly disavow statements she made while on a working tour in Europe this November, the government run media of Ethiopia has reported.

Gwynne Dyer: The U.S. and Ethiopia's blunder in Somalia

By Gwynne Dyer
Statesmen ought to have a special prize just for themselves, like fools have the Darwin Awards. The Darwin Awards commemorate very stupid people who did a service to human evolution by accidentally removing themselves from the gene pool. The statesman’s equivalent could be called something like the Cheney-Zenawi Award.
I mention this because the shining stupidity of the US Vice-President and the Ethiopian Prime Minister are on special display this week, as the Ethiopian army prepares to withdraw from Somalia two years after its foredoomed invasion, leaving the country in the hands of precisely the people whom they wanted to eliminate. We need negative role models too, and you couldn’t ask for worse than this pair.
I can’t actually prove that getting Ethiopia to invade Somalia was Dick Cheney’s brainchild, but it smells exactly like a Dick Cheney idea: crude, violent, and barking up entirely the wrong tree. Just like invading Iraq, in fact.
As for Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, he had already distinguished himself by becoming obsessed with the stupidest border war in modern African history. It wasn’t his fault to start with: Ethiopia was attacked out of the blue in 1998 by the insanely aggressive regime in Eritrea, but Ethiopian troops drove the Eritreans back. By the ceasefire in mid-2000, Ethiopia had recovered all the ground it lost at the start.
An international commission found Eritrea guilty of aggression, and another one arbitrated all the disputed stretches of border, granting Ethiopia most of its claims. Both sides said they would accept the rulings—and then Zenawi walked away from the deal. He has been getting ready for another war with Eritrea ever since.
Going to war with Eritrea again would mean defying the United Nations ruling, so Zenawi needed the backing of some great power that could protect him from the UN’s censure. Who better than the United States, which has assiduously ignored and belittled the UN under the Bush administration? Now what could Ethiopia do for the Bush administration in return?
Well, it could invade Somalia. Washington didn’t want to put American troops into Somalia again, having had its nose bloodied in 1993, but it did want to overthrow the civilian regime that was restoring peace in southern Somalia and put its favourite warlord in power instead. Ethiopian troops would do the job just as well.

I think I can see the self-satisfied smirk on Cheney’s face as he closed the deal: another triumph for the subtle master of geopolitics. I can’t make out the look on Zenawi’s face, but maybe he was smiling too. Too clever by half, as the saying goes.

The job was to overthrow the Union of Islamic Courts, a mass movement funded by local merchants in Mogadishu who wanted to end the constant robberies and kidnaps that made life impossible in the Somali capital. The UIC mobilised the desire of ordinary Somalis for an end to the violence that had ravaged the country for fifteen years, and the peace they brought to Mogadishu soon spread over most of southern Somalia.
Unfortunately the courts were “Islamic” and they wanted to enforce sharia law, which in Washington’s book made them practically terrorists. They did have a few unsavoury allies, notably an extremist militia called al-Shebab, but they gave people in Mogadishu their first real hope of security and justice. They should not have been destroyed.

The Ethiopian army invaded Somalia in December 2006, drove the Islamic Courts out of Mogadishu, and installed Abdullahi Yusuf, the president of the “Transitional Federal Government” (TFG) of Somalia, in power. Well, not exactly in power, since the citizens and militias of Mogadishu immediately began attacking the hated Ethiopians, who only controlled whatever was in their gunsights. As for Abdullahi Yusuf, he only controlled a suite of rooms and some telephones.

He was originally chosen as president of the TFG, with ample US support, at a conclave of Somali warlords dignified with the name of “parliament” in Kenya in 2004. He would never have made it back to Mogadishu without the help of the Ethiopian army, and accepting that help made him deeply suspect in the eyes of most Somalis.
The resistance has driven the Ethiopian army out of most of southern Somalia in the past two years, and now the Ethiopians are going home. Abdullahi Yusuf will have to leave too, since he has no supporters except the Ethiopians and the Americans. Which will leave Mogadishu in the hands not of the Union of Islamic Courts, alas, but rather of the extremist militias that have pushed the UIC aside during their struggle against the foreign troops.
It’s almost as perverse as the Bush administration’s decision to eliminate Iran’s two great enemies in the Gulf, Saddam Hussein’s Iraq and the Taliban in Afghanistan. Ethiopia and the United States have not only plunged Somalia needlessly back into war. They have made it possible for the nastiest, craziest extremists, people who think it is their duty to kill other Muslims with “un-Islamic” haircuts, to take power in Mogadishu.
The world needs a Cheney-Zenawi Award for Gross Political Stupidity, and I know who the first nominees should be.
Gwynne Dyer’s new book, Climate Wars, has just been published in Canada by Random House.

Birtukan Mideksa questioned by Federal Police

In an effort to silence peaceful opposition in Ethiopia, the Zenawi regime is using all means possible. Today, the chairperson of UDJ party, Judge Birtukan Mideqssa was questioned by the notorious federal police for her speeches she made in Sweden. It looks black mailing Birtukan to make UDJ lenient if not loyal opposition.

When will the Daybreak Come?

WHEN WILL THE DAY BREAK COME???
WHEN WILL BE JUSTICE PREVAIL IN ETHIOPIA??????
Kristin Skare Orgeret
Abstract
Popular musical expressions are important for discourses of citizenship and belonging.
Focusing on popular music and political processes in Ethiopia today, this discussion uses
Tewodros Kassahun aka Teddy Afro’s music as an example. Teddy Afro is a popular voice
challenging the prevailing political discourse in Ethiopia. Several of Afro’s songs have been
banned by the government on radio and television in Ethiopia, but are found to provide
alternative sites of political and cultural resistance to the autocratic regime. Reasons for
censorship are discussed as well as how music can provide alternative sites of resistance.
The findings show that oppressing political expressions may not always kill the ideas, as
they may find alternative arenas in the face of obstacles.
Keywords: freedom of expression, popular culture, censorship, music, public sphere
Introduction
Popular culture may have a central role to play in societies where the mainstream media
do not allow for freedom of expression. The case in point here is Ethiopia, a country
that, throughout the past decades, has seen processes of politics and conflicts in which
individuals find themselves caught up, as they may have little or no say in these developments.
It is a common assumption that the present government – led by the Ethiopian
People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) that seized power through an
armed struggle in 1991 – does not reflect the people’s will or pursue common rights to
any great degree. The current Constitution’s Article 29 protects freedom of expression
without interference, including the freedom to seek, receive and impart information,
as well as freedom of artistic creation (in Gebremedhin Simon 2006). Despite these
promising tenets, Ethiopia was recently listed among the ten nations worldwide in
which press freedom has deteriorated the most over the past five years (CPJ 2007).
Restrictions of freedom of the press are also underlined in the US State Department’s
report on human rights practices in Ethiopia (2007). During the political elections in
2005, Ethiopia became the second country in the world (after Turkey) in a ranking of
countries by number of imprisoned journalists (Solomon Gashaw 2007). In 2006 alone,
18 journalists were jailed for their work – several of them faced the possibility of the
death penalty, two foreign journalists were expelled, and the authorities banned eight
newspapers and blocked a number of critical websites. Furthermore, Ethiopia is the
only country in the world where the government has disrupted the possibility to send
and receive SMS messages.
232
Kristin Skare Orgeret
The present discussion will be centred on how popular musical expressions are important
for discourses of citizenship and belonging in Ethiopia today. The main research
question is: What is the value of popular culture in general, and popular music in particular,
as a vehicle for political resistance? Other questions of interest for the discussion
will be: Who has the right to interpret contemporary Ethiopian society and its history?
Who has the right to define reality and impose meanings? What forms of resistance can
popular music offer? What are the locations of and the routes for popular music and
what spaces does it open for transformation and change? What paths can popular music
and the reception of it take in the face of obstacles?
The situation of popular music in contemporary Ethiopia is approached through a
case study of Tewodros Kassahun aka Teddy Afro’s music and the reception of it. The
research questions will be discussed from the perspective of DJs on national radio,
owners of small, independent music shops in Addis Ababa, and a selected number of
listeners through questionnaires, interviews and reception analysis. In an attempt to
understand the space that music occupies in the listeners’ daily lives, central topics are
questions of language, music as opposition, identity, negotiation of meaning and control.
To exemplify how popular music can provide alternative sites of resistance, the article
proposes a close reading of two of Teddy Afro’s songs.
Teddy Afro became an important voice in the national exchange of ideas during the
period around and after the 2005 elections. Whereas national Ethiopian television and
radio refuse to broadcast several of Teddy Afro’s songs and videos, his music nevertheless
plays a vital role in constructing patterns of belonging and in processes of negotiating
identity, as the songs find other ways to reach their public.
Popular Music as Resistance and Field of Repression
Popular music, like popular culture in general, is a concept with a double-layered
meaning owing to the word popular. The first and most commonly used meaning of
‘popular’ views music as part of the culture industry in which popular is defined in terms
of commercial success. In Ethiopia, local popular music has outperformed its imported
rivals in terms of popularity. Whereas newspapers or news talk shows reach mostly an
elite section of the population, popular culture is successful in reaching a wide variety
of viewers and listeners. Second, the word popular literally means ‘of the people’, and
popular music hence can be referred to as music that concerns itself with issues to do
with the existence and survival of ‘the people’. Its production is understood as a social
interactive process in which the musician on one level speaks to ‘the people’ and on
another level speaks of and on behalf of them (Kwaramba 1997).
According to Stuart Hall (1994: 461), the popular can be defined as those forms and
activities in society that have their roots in the social and material conditions of particular
classes, which have become embodied in popular traditions and practices. Popular
culture is defined in relation to the continuing tension, influence and antagonism of
‘the people’ in the dominant culture. The definition treats the domain of cultural forms
as a constantly changing field. Experiences from other countries have also shown how
popular music can be a central part of political struggles. For instance, popular music
played a particularly important role in the resistance movement during the Apartheid
period (1948-1991) of South African history (Shoup 1997).
It should be noted that music has always played an important role in Ethiopian
culture. It is as important as it is diverse. In Ethiopia, music is part of all significant

Somalia: War Crimes Devastate Population

Outside Powers Exacerbate Crisis Through Failed Policies
December 8, 2008(Nairobi) - All parties in the escalating conflict in Somalia have regularly committed war crimes and other serious abuses during the past year that have contributed to the country's humanitarian catastrophe, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. Human Rights Watch urged the United States, the European Union, and other major international actors to rethink their flawed approaches to the crisis and support efforts to ensure accountability.
The 104-page report, "So Much to Fear: War Crimes and the Devastation of Somalia," describes how the Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG), the Ethiopian forces that intervened in Somalia to support it and insurgent forces have committed widespread and serious violations of the laws of war. Frequent violations include indiscriminate attacks, killings, rape, use of civilians as human shields, and looting. Since early 2007, the escalating conflict has claimed thousands of civilian lives, displaced more than a million people, and driven out most of the population of Mogadishu, the capital. Increasing attacks on aid workers in the past year have severely limited relief operations and contributed to an emerging humanitarian crisis.

Ethiopia: Charge or Free Ethnic Oromo Terrorism Suspects

Detainees Held Weeks Without Charge
November 27, 2008
Ethiopia has well-founded fears of terrorist attacks, but has often manipulated those fears to suppress dissent.
Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch
(New York, November 27, 2008) - The Ethiopian government should immediately free 53 ethnic Oromos arrested several weeks ago on allegations of support for terrorism if it cannot credibly charge them, Human Rights Watch said today. Human Rights Watch said that a court should not grant further police requests to extend their detention without charge past a December 1, 2008, deadline, in part because of serious risks of torture.
Ethiopian authorities have arrested more than 100 ethnic Oromo Ethiopians since October 30 in Addis Ababa and across Ethiopia's Oromia region, and 53 remain in detention without charge in Addis Ababa. The government claims they were helping plot terrorist attacks on behalf of the outlawed Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), that they were funding the rebel group or committing other, as yet unspecified crimes linked to terrorism or rebel activity.
"Ethiopia has well-founded fears of terrorist attacks, but has often manipulated those fears to suppress dissent," said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "These mass arrests bear all the hallmarks of the ‘imprison first, investigate later' tactics used to arbitrarily detain peaceful critics.''
While Ethiopia has valid security concerns related to bombings and other attacks, the government has routinely cited terrorism as a pretext for suppressing nonviolent opposition and arbitrarily detaining peaceful government critics. Over the years, Ethiopia's government has regularly used accusations of support for the Oromo rebels, who have been carrying out a low-level insurgency for a decade, as a pretext for cracking down on political dissent among the Oromo population.
Those arrested include Bekele Jirata, secretary general of the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement, an opposition political party with seats in Parliament; three human rights activists working for the Ethiopian Human Rights Council in the town of Nekemte (since released); teachers and university lecturers; and several prominent businessmen and hotel owners. At their last court appearance, some of the detainees said that they had been taken from their cells at night and tortured. Torture has been a routine practice at Addis Ababa's Maikelawi, or Central Investigation Unit, where the detainees are being held.
The Ethiopian government blames the Oromo rebels for numerous grenade and bomb attacks in Addis Ababa and elsewhere in recent years. A public statement by police and intelligence officials on November 22 accused legal opposition parties of harboring terrorists bent on "dismantling the national constitution" within their ranks.
The recent arrests coincide with a massive security deployment in Addis Ababa that took place in response to bombings on October 29. The Ethiopian trade mission in Hargeisa, Somaliland was hit by a suicide bomb attack that claimed at least four Ethiopian civilian lives. It was one of several near-simultaneous attacks in Hargeisa and the semi-autonomous region of Puntland in Somalia that killed at least 25 people, mainly Somali civilians. The attacks may have been carried out, though, by insurgents from Somalia, where the Ethiopian military has been engaged in support of the transitional government since December 2006.
Past arrests of ethnic Oromos have targeted people from all walks of life, including political figures, teenage students, teachers, and civil society activists. In November, the government pardoned and released 44 people convicted of crimes linked to the rebels who had been in prison for long terms. Some had originally been sentenced to life in prison or death.
As Human Rights Watch has documented, governance in Oromia has long been marked by widespread acts of intimidation, arbitrary arrest, torture and other serious human rights abuses targeting people who criticize the government. Many of those targeted for abuses have done nothing more than to criticize local officials or participate in student protests.
Police investigators have not charged any of the recent detainees with a criminal offense. Courts have ordered some detainees released after police failed to provide any legal basis to justify their detention. Five detainees were released in Addis Ababa along with others who were detained in Nekemte, Dembi Dollo and other parts of Oromia. But 53 remain in custody in Addis Ababa after police officials obtained a court order to allow them to keep the detainees in custody for two weeks while they gathered evidence against them. When the two-week deadline expired on November 24, the police returned to court empty-handed but obtained a one-week extension, until December 1, to find evidence that might substantiate criminal charges.
This pattern of prolonged detention without charge is routine practice in cases of Oromo Ethiopians arrested on accusations of terrorism or of supporting the rebels. Ethiopian courts often eventually reject police requests for continued detention and order those held to be released - but only after they have spent weeks or months in detention while police claim to look for evidence that could justify their being charged.
"Ethiopian judges deserve praise when they stand up to order the release of people detained without legal basis," Gagnon said. "But often this only happens after detainees have already been held without charge for punitive lengths of time."
Oromia is Ethiopia's largest and most populous region. Its regional government is controlled by the Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO), a member of the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).
The Oromo Liberation Front fought alongside the governing party in the struggle to overthrow the Derg dictatorship, but after the war the two organizations fell out with one another. The OLF was outlawed and its leadership driven from the country. It is now based in Asmara, Eritrea. Relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea have been poisonous since the two countries fought a bloody border war in 1998-1999 that claimed tens of thousands of lives. The border issue remains unresolved.

Ethiopian newspapers seized with debate over federalism

Afrique en ligne
Actualités africaines: Economie Politique Finances Sports
Sunday Nov 23rd
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - The Ethiopian media trained its attention on the role of the opposition political parties this week, as debate on the effective of the country's federal political system moved to parliament.

Ethiopia's mainstream daily, the Ethiopian Herald, which typically prioritizes stories on the country's bilateral ties with the rest of the world, paid attention to a fresh debate on the effective of the country's federal system of government.

The debate was ignited by the visit of a Canadian expert on federalism, who elaborated on the need to have a federal structure of government capable of creating a strong central government, but with diverse political representation, including g a strong opposition.

Columnist Dejene Sakoume, while interrogating the federal system of government in his column in the Ethiopian Herald, said over the last 17 years, federal systems appeared to breed conflict between forces of politics and economics.

"On the one hand, because of the favorable and unfavorable conditions, the market moves masses of people from place to place on the one hand, on the other hand, we have a political projection where rights are defined in terms of places of origin," he wrote.
According to the Canadian federalism expert, Prof. Ronald Watts, whose lectures dominated the news pages for three consecutive days of the week, economic policies affect cultural policies and the cultural policies also affect economic policies.

"The two are intertwined. We have to learn that economic policies have to be shared. Some of it done by the federal government and some by the provincial government," he was quoted as telling the Ethiopian Herald.

The Canadian expert said the federal system of government has become more complex and complicated.

In the discussions, the Ethiopian journalists took the view that stronger political parties controlling the central government and making it impossible for the opposition to effectively participate in other chambers of parliament was "antith e sis by nature."

The issue of federalism has come under intense scrutiny in the recent past following the post-election conflict in Kenya.

The Ethiopian foreign ministry experts have in many ways presented the Ethiopian model of federalism and the antidote to such conflict.

In its weekly overview on the Ethiopian Herald, the state-owned daily, the foreign ministry made reference to a conference held in Egypt, where the regional security issues dominated debate, including Ethiopia's interest in Somalia.

Ethiopia's federal system of government also featured prominently in that debate with the Ethiopian experts attributing the peace and order in the East African nation to its federal nature of governance, which has ensured 'effective' regional representation.

Building bridges to solidarity for a new Ethiopia

Lessons from Minnesota:
By Obang Metho I November 21, 2008
Can Ethiopians come together in solidarity to build a bridge to a new Ethiopia or are we doomed to suffering, division and eternal failure? It all depends on how we build it was the consensus of the meeting held on November 16, 2008 at the University of Minnesota called by the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia and sponsored by some local Ethiopian organizations.
To get to the meeting, many had to drive across the newly constructed I-35 Bridge linking St. Paul with Minneapolis. This is the same bridge that collapsed in August of 2007, killing and injuring many Minnesotans traveling across the main bridge connecting the Twin Cities. The reports explaining the reasons for the collapse were just released this past week citing fundamental design problems in the structure that doomed it to failure from the beginning.
Now the new bridge is up, sooner than anyone expected, and engineers designing the new bridge made sure that those same flaws were not repeated. This seems like an obvious assumption, but if you apply the same thinking to the legacy of repressive governments in Ethiopia and Africa, one might come to the conclusion that we need new engineers.
Those engineers of a “new Ethiopia” came together for an “Ethiopian Dialogue”
Those engineers of a “new Ethiopia” came together for an “Ethiopian Dialogue” between diverse Ethiopians in Minnesota, with the purpose of helping to design a new model for Ethiopia that would be based on the principles of “humanity before ethnicity” and that “no one will be free until we all are free.” These are the principles espoused by the Solidarity Movement that we believe are foundational to building the kind of bridge that can hold up all of the diverse people of Ethiopia as they cross to a new Ethiopia.
There at the meeting, I could see the beginnings of that beautiful “garden of Ethiopia” of which I dream as Ethiopians from many various ethnic groups, regions, religions, political groups and of varied thinking—like separatists and unionists-- came together as individuals to see if they could form a shared vision for a better future. At first, people were guarded and suspicious of each other, but by the end of the meeting, people were shaking hands, introducing themselves, hugging each other and sharing ideas.
Controversial topics were not avoided and disagreements were straightforwardly discussed; yet, the respect and civility of those present towards each other’s views was the greatest success of the meeting! In fact, we discovered much in common. It was a great indication that Ethiopians can successfully come together to genuinely address the very real problems of Ethiopia. We will never build a better bridge unless we understand what went wrong and how to fix it.
Some of those attending volunteered to form a working team to continue building solidarity in Minnesota. It was emphasized that the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia was not a political group intending to run for political office, but a grassroots movement of the Ethiopian people to promote human rights, justice, freedom and good government for all people.
As one representative from the Ogaden stated, “Free-minded people must come together to create a free Ethiopia.” What this means in concrete terms is that to join the Solidarity Movement does not mean you must leave your differences or political views behind. For example, Ethiopians can remain supporters of Andinet, Ginbot7, OLF, SLF, ONLF, EPRP, Kinijit, ENUF, UEDF or none of the above because our goal is to create an atmosphere conducive to political organizations to run for office, God-willing, by the next election.
The meeting was opened up by Mr. Robsan Itana, the head of the Oromo American Citizen Council, who endorsed the concept of the Solidarity Movement as a means to join together over common issues and went on to name examples of the oppression directed against various groups of Ethiopians that could all be addressed more powerfully by one organization that could advocate on behalf of all.
The Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) is a newly formed grassroots movement whose mission is to mobilize Ethiopians in the Diaspora and within Ethiopia to unite in a coalition across ethnic, regional, political, cultural, and religious lines around principles of truth, justice, freedom, the protection of human rights, equality and civility in order to bring about a more open, free and reconciled society in Ethiopia where humanity comes before ethnicity and where the same rights, opportunities and privileges are available to all because no one will be free until all are free.
The second speaker, Miss Hodan, was from the Ogadeni community and spoke of her support for a grassroots movement for human rights and democracy which she described as flourishing when citizens are involved, where there is tolerance towards others and where there everyone is held accountable. She explained how Ogadenis had been free until colonial powers equipped Abyssinia who then committed crimes against the people of the Ogaden while the international community failed to take note.
The third speaker, Mr. Berhane Worku, explained that he was speaking as an individual and went on to tell his own personal story. He began by saying that Ethiopia’s problems could not be solved by any one group and told about his own ethnic background as being an example of the mixed backgrounds of many Ethiopians that blurs distinctions and confuses identity.
He said he was 3/8th’s Gurage, 2/8th’s Sidamo, 2/8th’s Oromo and 1/8th Amhara. He said that Ethiopians must fight together for a democratic culture rather than one based on blood and gore. While admitting he did not know the solutions, he affirmed the need to start with a dialogue and to join together across ethnic, political and religious lines in condemning the gross human rights crimes going on in the Ogaden right now.
What broke the bridge between Ethiopians in the first place and what we can do to bring about the “New Ethiopia”

I will also summarize my own comments that were focused on what broke the bridge between Ethiopians in the first place and what we can do to bring about the “New Ethiopia” that would include all Ethiopians.
First of all, I am not proposing a “united” Ethiopia for the mere purpose of uniting Ethiopians because that could mean uniting around Mengistu, uniting around Meles or uniting around some other yet to be named oppressive dictator. The kind of unity that calls one group “more Ethiopian” than another group is not the kind of unity that I would want. I would actively oppose it because it is based on principles that have kept Ethiopians oppressed, divided and dehumanized.
A united Ethiopia that calls people who look like me a “Baria” is not the kind of Ethiopia I want. An Ethiopia that marginalizes or oppresses you simply because you are considered 99.9% Ethiopian is not the kind of Ethiopia I want. I want to unite to create an Ethiopian where each of us is 100% Ethiopian! To do so, we must discard the flawed systems of the present and past.
A bridge to a new Ethiopia will not be built in the same way anymore than the I-35 bridge will be reconstructed with the same mistakes and flaws or we would simply be re-creating a system that is doomed from the start. None of the leaders of the past put “humanity before ethnicity,” even though they each promised a new “society,” for one simple reason—when you keep using the same old toxic chemicals, no wonder they produce the same toxic society that is poisoning us.
A true leader never puts ethnicity first, but always puts humanity first. Jesus never put his ethnicity first. He died for all humanity. Mohammed did not put ethnicity first and is the reason there are Muslims from many ethnicities.
Right now, there are reasons why some run away from the “old” Ethiopia for it has been an Ethiopia that has had no room for them. The “New Ethiopia” will only be accomplished if both separatists, unionists, and everyone else—including Tigrayans—are all involved at the grassroots in creating a nation where the people have a choice, where members respect and value each other regardless of skin color, education, culture, religion, political view or gender and where there is room at the table of Ethiopia for all Ethiopians.
As Hodan said, we must also look to our neighbors surrounding Ethiopia because all of us in the Horn of Africa need each other. In America, people worked to make it a place where differences were accepted, but also blended together to create something much stronger. It is a place now where people from all over the world run to—not away! As Berhane said, what we need are leaders who are humble and willing to work across ethnic, political and religious divides, not seeking to dominate like different groups have done in the past—something that even creates painful internal pressure on individual families, like his own, due to the diversity within one’s own heritage.

The mixed blood of Ethiopians is all one blood—the blood of humankind

Yet, the mixed blood of Ethiopians is all one blood—the blood of humankind. This is what went wrong with the old bridge—we could not see that the mixed up blood of Ethiopians was really all one blood—the blood of humankind. This is what will build the structural strength of a new bridge to a “New Ethiopia.” Our hut is burning and we are all in it and in jeopardy of dying. We must join together in not just saving our hut, but in breaking down the invisible fences that divide us!
When I ended the talk, I was impressed with the questions and discussion that followed. One of the first questions was how to accomplish the task, particularly now that a new administration will be coming into office. There was agreement that it must start by identifying a team that would go to Obama that would represent all of the varied cases and proposing a better alternative to what we now have that includes all Ethiopians.
In the past, one government official told me that five different Ethiopian groups had sought a meeting within the same week. This merely overwhelms such officials who are confused by what sometimes are contradictory and factional requests. Such a team was identified at the meeting as a high priority of the Solidarity Movement because if Ethiopians could come together with one common goal and voice, it will be something much easier for President-elect Obama to support and thereby, for Ethiopians to define their own destiny.
Others brought up the need for reconciliation in order to “break down the suspicion and animosity between us.” One man from a Tigrayan background decried the alienation between Tigray and other Ethiopians even though the same government was killing and detaining his brothers back in Ethiopia.
I personally was very glad that this question was presented and proud that this man had the courage of saying, “I am a Tigrayan and not part of this government,” because Tigrayans such as this are screaming in silence with no support, or worse, feeling animosity from their fellow Ethiopians.
We must join together to support a different kind of society. This is the beginning of reconciliation, one of the key components of this Solidarity Movement. It can start at the grassroots level at meetings such as this so that we can gain understanding and build relationships with real people with real stories.
As Ethiopians, we have a huge wound that needs healing where pain can and has been inflicted against each other. All Tigrayans cannot be put into one box and identified as Woyanne. In fact, “Woyanne-ism” can be attached to some people from every region and group within Ethiopia.
We have Woyane Anuak, Woyane Oromo, Woyane Ogadeni and you name it. In fact, as Berhane said, we must stand up and condemn the gross human rights crimes in the Ogaden, but it is a Woyane Ogadeni who is governor of the region. This is not about ethnicity, it is a struggle between those who choose to commit evi—who should be held accountable-- and those who stand up against evil.
On December 13, 2003, when the Anuak were being massacred, there were Tigrayan heroes and heroines of righteousness that protected the Anuak. These were the true brothers and sisters of the Anuak who were more protective of them than were Woyane Anuak.
“Our bridge to a “New Ethiopia”
In a “New Ethiopia,” there must be a separation of those who commit crimes from those who do not. It must be a system based on authentic justice against perpetrators, not against ethnicity or we will be the new “genocidalists” and the next “oppressors.” Our bridge will not lead to freedom but instead be a trap set to kill and capture new victims. I will never be part of such an Ethiopia. Any who choose this path will soon discover that those who perpetrate against the innocent will never be free, just like Meles is the most unfree of all people.
In the same light, an Anuak man expressed his concern regarding coming together if it simply meant another “experiment” that would result in the same kind of failure as in the last regimes.
These are real concerns that must be fully examined because groups like the Anuak and the Oromo initially supported the changes promised by the Meles regime, only to later be betrayed, repressed and targeted by them. Questions such as these create heightened responsibility and accountability of all involved to plan safeguards within the Solidarity Movement to better guarantee a check and balance system, especially for minority groups who most often have little voice.
At first, some people did not want the name of Ethiopia linked to this movement, but later understood that we cannot blame the name of Ethiopia nor the flag as they never killed or oppressed any people—it was the leaders who did so.
The issue that was most important was that people who lived within the geographical map of Ethiopia were suffering, had been killed, denied a voice, oppressed and were “unfree.” It was agreed that the goal of the movement was to bring justice, opportunity, and freedom for all so that the people could live together in harmony and that the name Ethiopia was secondary.

Our moral attitudes and actions must overflow to our neighbors as well in order to bring greater peace to the Horn,
Some from separatist groups endorsed the idea of coming together around the protection of human rights, but were not sure they would want to be part of an Ethiopia where they had never had any choice, dating back to when colonialists decided for them to include them as part of Ethiopia.
As we know, this is a government that has viewed its people as enemies. For example, Oromo can be targeted for only being Oromo as the government operates on the belief that if you scratch the skin of any Oromo man, you will see OLF.
One Ogadeni woman emotionally testified to the horrible atrocities going on in the Ogaden, citing examples of 80 and 90 year old women being raped by troops, of the burning down of crops and poisoning of water wells while the world watches. This is the same battalion that committed such crimes in Gambella and elsewhere in the country.
Another Ogadeni woman responded by saying that we need to come together around human rights, even if we eventually separate because we will be neighbors for freedom means not being afraid of others, particularly of those close by.
An Anuak man concluded by saying that he was Ethiopian geographically and that his people were oppressed. Because of this, he said just using the name of Ethiopia was not an important issue to him. He said that he is going to be part of uniting with other Ethiopians to solve this problem and then later on, when the fight for freedom is accomplished, people can decide on whether or not they still want independence from Ethiopia.
A number of others agreed with him that until the society was freed, they should work together to create a society where there would be self-determination. In such a society, they could actually then choose for themselves, even if it meant separating later or adopting a model like Canada has with Quebec.
Most everyone seemed to agree that freedom would never come to Ethiopia unless we all joined together in this struggle. Success will be measured by whether Ethiopians and Ethiopian leaders can put humanity before ethnicity and uphold the freedom of all people.
These attitudes and actions must overflow to our neighbors as well in order to bring greater peace to the Horn, but it all starts by uniting around these principles. Our bridge to a “New Ethiopia” will not be possible if we do not revamp the design from the flawed and doomed models of the past; otherwise, we will repeat our mistakes and the people will suffer.
What took place in this room was proof that it can also be done in Ethiopia.

After the meeting, some told me that they or others had been worried about mixing people with different viewpoints and with a history of alienation towards each other, especially if the discussion became very heated and people started walking out—like mixing oil and water together—but that did not happen.
People were able to talk civilly about subjects that had been taboo before and arrive at some consensus. One Tigrayan man referred to a leader from the Oromo community saying that had they met in public, he would not have greeted him, but now they will be working together.
What took place in this room was proof that it can also be done in Ethiopia. The healing process was started. The man who spoke of his multi-ethnic heritage called for a team to carry on the work to make sure that it did not stop after the meeting ended. People committed themselves and as it turned out, they represented diverse groups.

The feedback I am receiving is that what was feared, turned out to be a beautiful thing, but now, the concepts must be repeated so that other Ethiopians in other cities can witness for themselves how Ethiopians can come together. The volunteer committee is now planning to reach out in their respective communities so as to build on what has begun.
In closing, I shared some personal experiences and convictions. The one I will end with here is the confidence I have that despite the enormous challenges that lie ahead, I am convinced that nothing is impossible if we fear God, if we show love and respect to each other and if we work together in solidarity for a new and more humane Ethiopia. Please pass this on and challenge others to join in this movement to free and transform Ethiopia.
May God guide, enable and empower us, giving us soft hearts towards each other and strong hearts for truth and justice as we carry out this task that is beyond our ability and resources to accomplish without God’s divine help.


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For more information please contact me:

Obang Metho,

Executive Member of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia
E-mail: Obang@anuakjustice.org