Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011
The most significant human rights problems included the government's arrest of more than 100 opposition political figures, activists, journalists, and bloggers. The government charged 14 of those arrested under the anti terrorism proclamation. In addition it charged another 17 persons outside the country in absentia under this proclamation. The government restricted freedom of the press, and fear of harassment and arrest led journalists to practice self-censorship. The Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSO law) continued to impose severe restrictions on civil society and nongovernmental organization (NGO) activities.
Other human rights problems included torture, beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees by security forces; harsh and at times life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention; detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; infringement on citizens’ privacy rights, including illegal searches; allegations of abuses in connection with the continued low-level conflict in parts of the Somali region; restrictions on freedom of assembly, association, and movement; police, administrative, and judicial corruption; violence and societal discrimination against women and abuse of children; female genital mutilation (FGM); exploitation of children for economic and sexual purposes; trafficking in persons; societal discrimination against persons with disabilities; clashes between ethnic minorities; discrimination against persons based on their sexual orientation and against persons with HIV/AIDS; limits on worker rights; forced labor; and child labor, including forced child labor.
Impunity was a problem. The government did not take steps to prosecute or otherwise punish officials who committed abuses other than corruption.
The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), an ethnically based, violent, and increasingly fragmented separatist group operating in the Somali region, was responsible for abuses.
http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/186406.pdf
Friday, May 25, 2012
Friday, March 23, 2012
HRW: Lebanon, Stop Abuse of Domestic Workers
(Beirut) – March 23, 2012
Lebanese authorities should act quickly to reform restrictive visa regulations and adopt a labor law on domestic work to address high levels of abuse and deaths among migrant domestic workers, a group of eight concerned civil society groupssaid today. The government should also announce publicly the outcome of the investigation into the recent abuse and subsequent suicide of Alem Dechasa-Desisa, an Ethiopian domestic worker. The eight groups are Human Rights Watch, Caritas Lebanon Migrant Center, KAFA (enough) Violence & Exploitation, Anti Racism Movement, Amel Association International, Insan, Danish Refugee Council, and Nasawiya.
On March 8, 2012, Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation International (LBCI), a Lebanese television network, released a video filmed on February 24 by an anonymous bystander in which a labor recruiter physically abused Dechasa-Desisa outside the Ethiopian consulate in Beirut. As she protests, he and another man drag her into a car. LBCI later identified the man beating Dechasa-Desisa as Ali Mahfouz,the brother of the head of the recruiting agency that brought her to Lebanon. Mahfouz agreed to be interviewed on television and alleged that his brother’s agency had been trying to return her to her home country because she had mental health problems.
Lebanese authorities should act quickly to reform restrictive visa regulations and adopt a labor law on domestic work to address high levels of abuse and deaths among migrant domestic workers, a group of eight concerned civil society groupssaid today. The government should also announce publicly the outcome of the investigation into the recent abuse and subsequent suicide of Alem Dechasa-Desisa, an Ethiopian domestic worker. The eight groups are Human Rights Watch, Caritas Lebanon Migrant Center, KAFA (enough) Violence & Exploitation, Anti Racism Movement, Amel Association International, Insan, Danish Refugee Council, and Nasawiya.
On March 8, 2012, Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation International (LBCI), a Lebanese television network, released a video filmed on February 24 by an anonymous bystander in which a labor recruiter physically abused Dechasa-Desisa outside the Ethiopian consulate in Beirut. As she protests, he and another man drag her into a car. LBCI later identified the man beating Dechasa-Desisa as Ali Mahfouz,the brother of the head of the recruiting agency that brought her to Lebanon. Mahfouz agreed to be interviewed on television and alleged that his brother’s agency had been trying to return her to her home country because she had mental health problems.
Tuesday, March 6, 2012
Andualem says beaten in apprehension (AFP)
Addis Ababa – An Ethiopian antithesis personality charged with terrorism pronounced during a justice coming on Monday that he was exceedingly beaten by a associate inmate, terming it a murder attempt.
“There was a murder try opposite me and according to rapist procedure, we wish to record a assign opposite a jail given we did not get adequate medical attention,” pronounced Andualem Arage, of a Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) party.
“I direct to be taken out of that prison,” combined Andualem, who has been in apprehension given September.
Andualem, who walked in justice limping and complained of serious headache, has been charged alongside 23 others, including distinguished Ethiopian publisher Eskinder Nega.
He pronounced he was beaten on Feb 16.
Judge Endashaw Endale pronounced a jail administration contingency benefaction a box to a justice before grave charges lodged.
Andualem’s co-defendants pronounced they feared for their possess reserve given a invalid indicted of aggressive Andualem had not been relocated.
“We are afraid, so we take turns sleeping and we are fearful he will poison a food,” one of a accused, Kinfemichael Debebe, told a court.
Negasso filed a censure with a Human Rights Commission about a attack, though pronounced he had not perceived a grave reply.
Government officials were not accessible for comment. The hearing is approaching to resume on Mar 26.
All a 24 indicted are charged underneath Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism legislation, that rights groups have criticised of being distant reaching and used to suppress pacific dissent.
Some 200 people were charged underneath a legislation in 2011
“There was a murder try opposite me and according to rapist procedure, we wish to record a assign opposite a jail given we did not get adequate medical attention,” pronounced Andualem Arage, of a Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) party.
“I direct to be taken out of that prison,” combined Andualem, who has been in apprehension given September.
Andualem, who walked in justice limping and complained of serious headache, has been charged alongside 23 others, including distinguished Ethiopian publisher Eskinder Nega.
He pronounced he was beaten on Feb 16.
Judge Endashaw Endale pronounced a jail administration contingency benefaction a box to a justice before grave charges lodged.
Andualem’s co-defendants pronounced they feared for their possess reserve given a invalid indicted of aggressive Andualem had not been relocated.
“We are afraid, so we take turns sleeping and we are fearful he will poison a food,” one of a accused, Kinfemichael Debebe, told a court.
UDJ authority Gidada Negasso pronounced a indicted attacker, convicted of murder, should not be hold with prisoners undergoing hearing and should have been reprimanded.
“Right divided a justice should have pronounced this is wrong and… a jail administration should also retaliate him,” he told AFP.Negasso filed a censure with a Human Rights Commission about a attack, though pronounced he had not perceived a grave reply.
Government officials were not accessible for comment. The hearing is approaching to resume on Mar 26.
All a 24 indicted are charged underneath Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism legislation, that rights groups have criticised of being distant reaching and used to suppress pacific dissent.
Some 200 people were charged underneath a legislation in 2011
Monday, February 27, 2012
Andualem Aragie in need of urgent medical care after prison beating
By William DavisonADDIS ABABA (BLOOMBERG) — An imprisoned Ethiopian opposition leader needs urgent medical attention 12 days after being assaulted in his cell, former President Negasso Gidada said.
Andualem Aragie, head of public relations for the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party, was kicked in the head and beaten by a fellow prisoner on Feb. 15, Negasso, the chairman of the party, said by phone today from Addis Ababa, the capital.
Andualem, who is being tried on terrorism charges, had to be supported by prison guards when his wife went to see him, Negasso said. “He complained yesterday he has a headache and has problems with his balance,” the ex-president said. “He needs urgent treatment and examination by a private medical doctor.”
Andualem could not be examined when taken to a police hospital because the equipment was not working, according to Negasso. A prison doctor saw him last week and said he was suffering from low blood pressure, said Negasso. “No serious medical attention has been given,” he said. “His wife is very much worried. We are also very worried.”
Ethiopia’s human rights commissioner, Teruneh Zenna, said today that he would again contact the “relevant authorities” about the case, Negasso said. Teruneh did not answer his mobile phone when called seeking comment. The party also plans to write to Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, Negasso said.
The trial of Andualem and 23 others is scheduled to resume next week.
Wednesday, February 8, 2012
Human Rights Watch World Report 2012: Ethiopia
Discrimination in Government Services
In October 2010 Human Rights Watch published Development without Freedom: How Aid Underwrites Repression in Ethiopia, a report which documented discrimination in the administration of foreign donor-funded government services, including agricultural assistance, food-for-work programs, educational training opportunities, and civil-service reform programs. The report also showed how donor-funded facilities, such as schools and teacher training colleges, underwrite the indoctrination of civil servants and school children in political propaganda. Human Rights Watch’s research suggested that donors in the Development Assistance Group (DAG), including the US, Canada, the United Kingdom, and the European Union, were aware of such allegations, but were taking insufficient steps to investigate the misuse of their aid money.
DAG denied that aid was politicized, citing as evidence a UK Department for International Development-led report, “The Aid Management and Utilization Study,” which concluded that existing monitoring mechanisms would not detect politicization if it were occurring. That report also promised a second phase, a field investigation, which it said was crucial to establishing whether or not politicization was occurring on a broad scale. In April 2011 DAG told Human Rights Watch that this second phase, the field investigation, had been cancelled. A 2009 US diplomatic cable released by WikiLeaks said that the US embassy in Ethiopia was “keenly aware that foreign assistance … is vulnerable to politicization,” but that monitoring the problem, “risks putting the assistance programs themselves in jeopardy from a ruling party that has become confident that its vast patronage system is largely invulnerable.”
Key International Actors
International donor assistance continues to pour into Ethiopia, one of the world’s largest recipients of aid, but this has not resulted in greater international influence in ensuring government compliance with its human rights obligations. Conversely, donors appear to be reluctant to criticize the Ethiopian government’s human rights record so as not to endanger the continuity of their assistance programs.
Nonetheless, government spending remains hugely reliant (between 30 and 40 percent) on foreign assistance, and donors retain significant leverage that they could use to greater effect to insist on basic measures, such as the repeal or amendment of the Charities and Societies Proclamation and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, admission of UN special rapporteurs on human rights, the release of political prisoners, and better monitoring of foreign-funded programs to make sure they are not being used to bolster the ruling party.
In October 2010 Human Rights Watch published Development without Freedom: How Aid Underwrites Repression in Ethiopia, a report which documented discrimination in the administration of foreign donor-funded government services, including agricultural assistance, food-for-work programs, educational training opportunities, and civil-service reform programs. The report also showed how donor-funded facilities, such as schools and teacher training colleges, underwrite the indoctrination of civil servants and school children in political propaganda. Human Rights Watch’s research suggested that donors in the Development Assistance Group (DAG), including the US, Canada, the United Kingdom, and the European Union, were aware of such allegations, but were taking insufficient steps to investigate the misuse of their aid money.
DAG denied that aid was politicized, citing as evidence a UK Department for International Development-led report, “The Aid Management and Utilization Study,” which concluded that existing monitoring mechanisms would not detect politicization if it were occurring. That report also promised a second phase, a field investigation, which it said was crucial to establishing whether or not politicization was occurring on a broad scale. In April 2011 DAG told Human Rights Watch that this second phase, the field investigation, had been cancelled. A 2009 US diplomatic cable released by WikiLeaks said that the US embassy in Ethiopia was “keenly aware that foreign assistance … is vulnerable to politicization,” but that monitoring the problem, “risks putting the assistance programs themselves in jeopardy from a ruling party that has become confident that its vast patronage system is largely invulnerable.”
Key International Actors
International donor assistance continues to pour into Ethiopia, one of the world’s largest recipients of aid, but this has not resulted in greater international influence in ensuring government compliance with its human rights obligations. Conversely, donors appear to be reluctant to criticize the Ethiopian government’s human rights record so as not to endanger the continuity of their assistance programs.
Nonetheless, government spending remains hugely reliant (between 30 and 40 percent) on foreign assistance, and donors retain significant leverage that they could use to greater effect to insist on basic measures, such as the repeal or amendment of the Charities and Societies Proclamation and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, admission of UN special rapporteurs on human rights, the release of political prisoners, and better monitoring of foreign-funded programs to make sure they are not being used to bolster the ruling party.
Thursday, February 2, 2012
Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism laws must not be misused to curb rights – UN
2 February 2012 – A group of independent United Nations human rights experts today spoke out against the ongoing use of anti-terrorism laws to curb freedom of expression in Ethiopia, where several journalists were recently given prison sentences under such legislation.
“Journalists play a crucial role in promoting accountability of public officials by investigating and informing the public about human rights violations,” said Frank La Rue, the Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression. “They should not face criminal proceedings for carrying out their legitimate work, let alone be severely punished.”
A week ago, three journalists and two opposition politicians were given prison sentences ranging from 14 years to life imprisonment under Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism laws. This followed the sentencing of two Swedish journalists to 11 years in prison in December, a news release issued by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) stated.
Ben Emmerson, the Special Rapporteur on counter-terrorism and human rights, said that “the anti-terrorism provisions should not be abused and need to be clearly defined in Ethiopian criminal law to ensure that they do not go counter to internationally guaranteed human rights.”
The Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders, Margaret Sekaggya, emphasized that “journalists, bloggers and others advocating for increased respect for human rights should not be subject to pressure for the mere fact that their views are not in alignment with those of the Government.”
She voiced concern at the case of Eskinder Nega, a blogger and human rights defender who may face the death penalty if convicted. Mr. Nega has been advocating for reform on the issue of the right to assemble peacefully in public.
Similarly, the Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, Maina Kiai, cautioned against the ongoing campaign of harassment against associations expressing dissenting views, while Gabriela Knaul, Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers, deplored the reported failure to ensure the defendants’ right to a fair trial.
The experts called on the Ethiopian Government to respect the concerned individuals’ fundamental rights, especially their right to a fair trial, and reiterated the need to apply anti-terrorism legislation cautiously and in accordance with the country’s international human rights obligations.
“Journalists play a crucial role in promoting accountability of public officials by investigating and informing the public about human rights violations,” said Frank La Rue, the Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression. “They should not face criminal proceedings for carrying out their legitimate work, let alone be severely punished.”
A week ago, three journalists and two opposition politicians were given prison sentences ranging from 14 years to life imprisonment under Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism laws. This followed the sentencing of two Swedish journalists to 11 years in prison in December, a news release issued by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) stated.
Journalists play a crucial role in promoting accountability of public officials by investigating and informing the public about human rights violationsAnother 24 defendants are scheduled to appear in court next month, for various charges under the anti-terrorism law, several of whom may face the death sentence if convicted.
Ben Emmerson, the Special Rapporteur on counter-terrorism and human rights, said that “the anti-terrorism provisions should not be abused and need to be clearly defined in Ethiopian criminal law to ensure that they do not go counter to internationally guaranteed human rights.”
The Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders, Margaret Sekaggya, emphasized that “journalists, bloggers and others advocating for increased respect for human rights should not be subject to pressure for the mere fact that their views are not in alignment with those of the Government.”
She voiced concern at the case of Eskinder Nega, a blogger and human rights defender who may face the death penalty if convicted. Mr. Nega has been advocating for reform on the issue of the right to assemble peacefully in public.
Similarly, the Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, Maina Kiai, cautioned against the ongoing campaign of harassment against associations expressing dissenting views, while Gabriela Knaul, Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers, deplored the reported failure to ensure the defendants’ right to a fair trial.
The experts called on the Ethiopian Government to respect the concerned individuals’ fundamental rights, especially their right to a fair trial, and reiterated the need to apply anti-terrorism legislation cautiously and in accordance with the country’s international human rights obligations.
Monday, January 23, 2012
SOCEPP Canada condemns the conviction of journalists & Leaders of the Opposition
SOCEPP Canada condemns the conviction of journalists & Leaders of the Opposition
On January 19, 2012, the EPRDF/TPLF controlled Federal High Court in Ethiopia convicted three Ethiopian journalists, an opposition leader and a fifth person under the so-called an anti-terrorism law. The journalists are Wubshet Taye Abebe of the now-closed weekly newspaper – Awramba Times, Reeyot Alemu Gobebo of the weekly newspaper – Feteh, and Elias Kifle, editor of the online Ethiopian Review (tried in absentia), an opposition leader, Zerihun Gebre-Egziabher Tadesse of the Ethiopian National Democratic Party, and a woman named Hirut Kifle Woldeyesus.
SOCEPP Canada maintains that the continued incarceration and conviction of leaders of the opposition, journalists and citizens is a travesty of justice that must be condemned in the strongest possible way.
As we have repeatedly reported in the past, the TPLF/EPRDF regime has used the justice system to silence independent voices, political opponents and free media. To name a few of the many subjected to the ruling junta’s abuse of human rights include: the renowned surgeon and founder of the AAPO – Prof. Asrat Woldeyes, the former leader of the opposition UDJ – Betrukan Mideksa, the former leader of the Ethiopian Teachers’ Association – Dr Taye Woldesemayat, and Mr . Abera Yemane Ab – leadership member of COEDF.
This latest travesty only shows that even after 20 years of mockery of justice, the ruling TPLF/ EPRDF has no intention of reforming the justice system, introduce professionalism within the legal system and within its law enforcement agencies. Such behavior is unacceptable both to the Ethiopian public and the international community.
The ruling group continues to use all means at its disposal to stifle the justice system hoping this would go unnoticed. However, more and more Ethiopians are showing the willingness to pay the highest sacrifice to secure their dignity and basic human rights. As witnessed on November 11, 2011, a teacher by the name Yenesew Gebre, of Waka, Southern Ethiopia, burnt himself to death in protest. As one of the greatest leaders in Africa – Nelson Mandela once said, “There is no easy walk to freedom anywhere, and many of us will have to pass through the valley of the shadow of death again and again before we reach the mountaintop of our desires”. That is exactly what Ethiopians have and continue to be doing the last so many years.
We would like to remind the rulers in Ethiopia that repression only begets resistance. The way forward is to respect human rights engage in a genuine reconciliation to bring a lasting peace in the country and submit to the people’s verdict. Therefore, we call upon the ruling EPRDF/TPLF regime to immediately drop the case, release the defendants and refrain from further violation.
We call upon the government of Canada and the opposition parties and other donor governments to closely review the escalating repression in Ethiopia and use their influence to bring a lasting peace in that country.
SOCEPP Canada: www.humanrightsethiopia.com
On January 19, 2012, the EPRDF/TPLF controlled Federal High Court in Ethiopia convicted three Ethiopian journalists, an opposition leader and a fifth person under the so-called an anti-terrorism law. The journalists are Wubshet Taye Abebe of the now-closed weekly newspaper – Awramba Times, Reeyot Alemu Gobebo of the weekly newspaper – Feteh, and Elias Kifle, editor of the online Ethiopian Review (tried in absentia), an opposition leader, Zerihun Gebre-Egziabher Tadesse of the Ethiopian National Democratic Party, and a woman named Hirut Kifle Woldeyesus.
SOCEPP Canada maintains that the continued incarceration and conviction of leaders of the opposition, journalists and citizens is a travesty of justice that must be condemned in the strongest possible way.
As we have repeatedly reported in the past, the TPLF/EPRDF regime has used the justice system to silence independent voices, political opponents and free media. To name a few of the many subjected to the ruling junta’s abuse of human rights include: the renowned surgeon and founder of the AAPO – Prof. Asrat Woldeyes, the former leader of the opposition UDJ – Betrukan Mideksa, the former leader of the Ethiopian Teachers’ Association – Dr Taye Woldesemayat, and Mr . Abera Yemane Ab – leadership member of COEDF.
This latest travesty only shows that even after 20 years of mockery of justice, the ruling TPLF/ EPRDF has no intention of reforming the justice system, introduce professionalism within the legal system and within its law enforcement agencies. Such behavior is unacceptable both to the Ethiopian public and the international community.
The ruling group continues to use all means at its disposal to stifle the justice system hoping this would go unnoticed. However, more and more Ethiopians are showing the willingness to pay the highest sacrifice to secure their dignity and basic human rights. As witnessed on November 11, 2011, a teacher by the name Yenesew Gebre, of Waka, Southern Ethiopia, burnt himself to death in protest. As one of the greatest leaders in Africa – Nelson Mandela once said, “There is no easy walk to freedom anywhere, and many of us will have to pass through the valley of the shadow of death again and again before we reach the mountaintop of our desires”. That is exactly what Ethiopians have and continue to be doing the last so many years.
We would like to remind the rulers in Ethiopia that repression only begets resistance. The way forward is to respect human rights engage in a genuine reconciliation to bring a lasting peace in the country and submit to the people’s verdict. Therefore, we call upon the ruling EPRDF/TPLF regime to immediately drop the case, release the defendants and refrain from further violation.
We call upon the government of Canada and the opposition parties and other donor governments to closely review the escalating repression in Ethiopia and use their influence to bring a lasting peace in that country.
SOCEPP Canada: www.humanrightsethiopia.com
Saturday, January 21, 2012
በኦሮሚያና በሶማሊ ክልሎች በመጪዎቹ ስድስት ወራት ከፍተኛ የምግብ እርዳታ ያስፈልጋል ተባለ
ጥር 12 ቀን 2004 ዓ/ም
የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት በሚቀጥሉት ስድስት ወራት ከሶስት ሚሊዮን በላይ የሚሆን ህዝብ አስቸኳይ የምግብ እርዳታ ያስፈልገዋል ብሎአል። የአለማቀፍ የእርዳታ ድርጅቶች በበኩላቸው መንግስት አሁንም የተረጂዎችን ቁጥር ቀንሶ አቅርቧል ይላሉ።የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ያወጣው ቅድመ ማስጠንቀቂያ አሀዝ እንደሚያሳየው በመጪዎቹ ስድስት ወራት ከ365 ሜትሪክ ቶን በላይ የምግብ እርዳታ የሚያስፈልግ ሲሆን፣ አብዛኛው በኦሮሚያ እና በሶማሊ ክልሎች የሚከፋፋል ነው ብሎአል።
ከተረጅዎች ውስጥ 34 በመቶው በሶማሊ ፣ 33 በመቶ ደግሞ በኦሮሚያ እንደሚገኙ ታውቋል። ከዚህ ቀደም ከፍተኛ የተረጅዎች ቁጥር በነበረው የትግራይ ክልል በአሁኑ ጊዜ ቁጥሩ በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ አሽቆልቁሎአል። በአማራ ክልል ደግሞ በፊት ከነበረው የተረጅዎች ቁጥር ጋር ሲተያይ በአሁኑ መረጃ ብዙም ለውጥ አልታየም።
የኦሮሚያ ክልል ከጊዜ ወደ ጊዜ በድርቅ እየተጠቃ እና የተረጅዎች ቁጥር እጨመረ መምጣቱ ከዚህ ቀደም የነበረውን የረሀብ ተጠቂ ጂኦግራፊያዊ አቀማመጥ እየቀየረው መምጣቱን የሚያመልክት መሆኑን መረጃውን ያቀበሉት የግብርና ባለሙያ ተናግረዋል።
በግብርና ምርቶች ዋጋ ጭማሪ ሲታይ ደቡብ ክልል ፣ ኦሮሚያና ሶማሊ ከአንድ እስከ ሶስት ያሉት ደረጃዎችን መያዛቸውን መረጃዎች ያሳያሉ። የምግብ ዋጋ አነስተኛ ጭማሪ የታየ ሲሆን፣ በአዲስ አበባም ጭማሪው ቢኖርም እንደ ደቡብና ኦሮሚያ የከፋ አይደለም።
ኢትዮጵያ መንግስት አዲስ ያቀረበው የተረጅዎች ቁጥር የአለማቀፍ የግብረሰናይ ድርጅቶች እንዳልተቀበሉት ተውቋል። የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት 11 በመቶ የኢኮኖሚ እድገት ፕሮፓጋንዳ የበርካታ ንጹሀን ዜጎችን ህይወት አደጋ ላይ እየጣለው ነው።
ሴቭ ዘ ችልደርንና ኦክስፋም ባወጡት መረጃ የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት በረሀብ የተጎዱ ዜጎቹን አሀዝ አሳንሶ በማቅረቡ በሺ የሚቆጠሩ ሰዎች ህይወት አልፎአል ሲሉ በዚህ ሳምንት ባወጡት መግለጫ መተቸታቸው ይታወሳል።
በኢትዮጵያ፣ ኬንያና ሶማሊ ባለፈው አመት በተከሰተው ረሀብ ከ50 እስከ 100 ሺ የሚጠጋ ህዝብ ማለቁን ድርጅቶቹ አስታውቀዋል።
የመለስ መንግስት ከአምስት አመታት በፊት ረሀብ ታሪክ ይሆናል፣ ከ17 አመታት በፊት ደግሞ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ በቀን ሶስት ጊዜ እንዲበላ እናደርገዋለን ማለቱ ይታወሳል።
ይሁን እንጅ ለኢሳት የሚደርሱት መረጃዎች እንደሚያሳ ት በደቡብ፣ በኦሮሚያና በሶማሊ አሁንም ከፍተኛ ረሀብ ገብቷል።
በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በአለም ባንክንና በሌሎችም ለጋሽ ድርጅቶች በሚሰፈርላቸው ስንዴ ብቻ የሚኖሩ ፣ ሴፍቲኔት በሚባለው ፕሮግራም የታቀፉ 7 ሚሊዮን ዜጎች አሉ።
Wednesday, January 18, 2012
Ethiopia: Forced Relocations Bring Hunger, Hardship
Donor Funds Should Not Facilitate Abuse of Indigenous Groups
“The Ethiopian government’s villagization program is not improving access to services for Gambella’s indigenous people, but is instead undermining their livelihoods and food security,” said Jan Egeland, Europe director at Human Rights Watch. “The government should suspend the program until it can ensure that the necessary infrastructure is in place and that people have been properly consulted and compensated for the loss of their land.”
The government says the “villagization” program is designed to provide “access to basic socioeconomic infrastructures” to the people it relocates and to bring “socioeconomic & cultural transformation of the people.” But despite pledges to provide suitable compensation, the government has provided insufficient resources to sustain people in the new villages, Human Rights Watch said.
The residents of Gambella, mainly indigenous Anuak and Nuer, have never had formal title to the land they have lived on and used. The government often claims that the areas are “uninhabited” or “under-utilized.” That claim enables the government to bypass constitutional provisions and laws that would protect these populations from being relocated.
The report is based on more than 100 interviews in Ethiopia in May and June 2011, and at the Ifo refugee camp in Dadaab and Nairobi, Kenya, where many Gambellans have fled.
“My father was beaten for refusing to go along [to the new village] with some other elders,” a former villager told Human Rights Watch. “He said, ‘I was born here – my children were born here – I am too old to move so I will stay.’ He was beaten by the army with sticks and the butt of a gun. He had to be taken to hospital. He died because of the beating – he just became weaker and weaker.”
The Villagization Program
The Ethiopian government is planning to resettle 1.5 million people by 2013 in four regions: Gambella, Afar, Somali, and Benishangul-Gumuz. Relocations started in 2010 in Gambella, and approximately 70,000 people there were scheduled to be moved by the end of 2011. Under the Gambella Peoples’ National Regional State Government Plan, 45,000 households are to be moved during the three-year program. The plan pledges to provide infrastructure for the new villages and assistance to ensure alternative livelihoods. The plan also states that the movements are to be voluntary.
Instead of improved access to government services, however, new villages often go without them altogether. The first round of forced relocations occurred at the worst possible time of year – the beginning of the harvest – and many of the areas to which people were moved are dry with poor-quality soil. The nearby land needs to be cleared, and agricultural assistance – seeds and fertilizers – has not been provided. The government failure to provide food assistance for relocated people has caused endemic hunger and cases of starvation.
Human Rights Watch’s research showed that the forced relocation policy is disrupting a delicate balance of survival for many in the region. Livelihoods and food security in Gambella are precarious. Pastoralists are being forced to abandon their cattle-based livelihoods in favor of settled cultivation. Shifting cultivators – farmers who move from one location to another over the years – are being required to grow crops in a single location, which risks depleting their soil of vital nutrients. In the absence of meaningful infrastructural support and regular supplies of food aid, the changes for both populations may have life-threatening consequences, Human Rights Watch said.
The resident of one new village told Human Rights Watch: “We expect major starvation next year because they did not clear in time. If they [the government] cleared [the land] we would have food next year but now we have no means for food.”
Commercial Land Investment
The villagization program is taking place in areas where significant land investment is planned or occurring. The Ethiopian government has consistently denied that the resettlement of people in Gambella is connected to the leasing of large areas of land for commercial agriculture, but villagers have been told by government officials that this is an underlying reason for their displacement. Former local government officials confirmed these allegations to Human Rights Watch.
One farmer told Human Rights Watch that during the government’s initial meeting with his village, government officials told them: “We will invite investors who will grow cash crops. You do not use the land well. It is lying idle.”
“We want you to be clear that the government brought us here… to die... right here,” one elder told Human Rights Watch. “We want the world to hear that government brought the Anuak people here to die. They brought us no food, they gave away our land to the foreigners so we can’t even move back. On all sides the land is given away, so we will die here in one place.”
Mass displacement to make way for commercial agriculture in the absence of a proper legal process contravenes Ethiopia’s constitution and violates the rights of indigenous peoples under international law.
From 2008 through January 2011, Ethiopia leased out at least 3.6 million hectares of land, an area the size of the Netherlands. An additional 2.1 million hectares of land is available through the federal government’s land bank for agricultural investment. In Gambella, 42 percent of the total land area is either being marketed for lease to investors or has already been awarded to investors, according to government figures. Many of the areas that have been moved for villagization are within areas slated for commercial agricultural investment.
“The villagization program is being undertaken in the exact same areas of Ethiopia that the government is leasing to foreign investors for large-scale commercial agricultural operations,” Egeland said. “This raises suspicions about the underlying motives of the villagization program.”
Role of Foreign Donors
Foreign donors to Ethiopia, including the United Kingdom, United States, World Bank, and European Union, assert that they have no direct involvement in the villagization programs. However, the multi-donor Protection of Basic Services (PBS) program subsidizes basic services – health, education, agriculture, roads, and water – and local government salaries in all districts in the country, including areas where new villages are being constructed and where the main activity of local governments is moving people.
As a result of their potential responsibilities and liabilities, donors have undertaken assessments of the villagization program in Gambella and in Benishangul-Gumuz and determined that the relocations were voluntary. Human Rights Watch’s field-based research and interviews with residents, however, indicates that the moves have been coerced.
International donors should ensure that they are not providing support for forced displacement or facilitating rights violations in the name of development, Human Rights Watch said. They should press Ethiopia to live up to its responsibilities under Ethiopian and international law, namely to provide communities with genuine consultation on the villagization process, ensure that the relocation of indigenous people is voluntary, compensate them appropriately, prevent human rights violations during and after any relocation, and prosecute those implicated in abuses. Donors should also seek to ensure that the government meets its obligations to respect, protect, and fulfill the economic and social rights of the people in new villages.
“It seems that the donor money is being used, at least indirectly, to fund the villagization program,” Egeland said. “Donors have a responsibility to ensure that their assistance does not facilitate forced displacement and associated violations.”
Selected Accounts from “Waiting Here for Death”
(London) – The Ethiopian government under its “villagization” program is forcibly relocating approximately 70,000 indigenous people from the western Gambella region to new villages that lack adequate food, farmland, healthcare, and educational facilities, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. State security forces have repeatedly threatened, assaulted, and arbitrarily arrested villagers who resist the transfers.
The report, “‘Waiting Here for Death’: Forced Displacement and ‘Villagization’ in Ethiopia’s Gambella Region,” examines the first year of Gambella’s villagization program. It details the involuntary nature of the transfers, the loss of livelihoods, the deteriorating food situation, and ongoing abuses by the armed forces against the affected people. Many of the areas from which people are being moved are slated for leasing by the government for commercial agricultural development.“The Ethiopian government’s villagization program is not improving access to services for Gambella’s indigenous people, but is instead undermining their livelihoods and food security,” said Jan Egeland, Europe director at Human Rights Watch. “The government should suspend the program until it can ensure that the necessary infrastructure is in place and that people have been properly consulted and compensated for the loss of their land.”
The government says the “villagization” program is designed to provide “access to basic socioeconomic infrastructures” to the people it relocates and to bring “socioeconomic & cultural transformation of the people.” But despite pledges to provide suitable compensation, the government has provided insufficient resources to sustain people in the new villages, Human Rights Watch said.
The residents of Gambella, mainly indigenous Anuak and Nuer, have never had formal title to the land they have lived on and used. The government often claims that the areas are “uninhabited” or “under-utilized.” That claim enables the government to bypass constitutional provisions and laws that would protect these populations from being relocated.
The report is based on more than 100 interviews in Ethiopia in May and June 2011, and at the Ifo refugee camp in Dadaab and Nairobi, Kenya, where many Gambellans have fled.
“My father was beaten for refusing to go along [to the new village] with some other elders,” a former villager told Human Rights Watch. “He said, ‘I was born here – my children were born here – I am too old to move so I will stay.’ He was beaten by the army with sticks and the butt of a gun. He had to be taken to hospital. He died because of the beating – he just became weaker and weaker.”
The Villagization Program
The Ethiopian government is planning to resettle 1.5 million people by 2013 in four regions: Gambella, Afar, Somali, and Benishangul-Gumuz. Relocations started in 2010 in Gambella, and approximately 70,000 people there were scheduled to be moved by the end of 2011. Under the Gambella Peoples’ National Regional State Government Plan, 45,000 households are to be moved during the three-year program. The plan pledges to provide infrastructure for the new villages and assistance to ensure alternative livelihoods. The plan also states that the movements are to be voluntary.
Instead of improved access to government services, however, new villages often go without them altogether. The first round of forced relocations occurred at the worst possible time of year – the beginning of the harvest – and many of the areas to which people were moved are dry with poor-quality soil. The nearby land needs to be cleared, and agricultural assistance – seeds and fertilizers – has not been provided. The government failure to provide food assistance for relocated people has caused endemic hunger and cases of starvation.
Human Rights Watch’s research showed that the forced relocation policy is disrupting a delicate balance of survival for many in the region. Livelihoods and food security in Gambella are precarious. Pastoralists are being forced to abandon their cattle-based livelihoods in favor of settled cultivation. Shifting cultivators – farmers who move from one location to another over the years – are being required to grow crops in a single location, which risks depleting their soil of vital nutrients. In the absence of meaningful infrastructural support and regular supplies of food aid, the changes for both populations may have life-threatening consequences, Human Rights Watch said.
The resident of one new village told Human Rights Watch: “We expect major starvation next year because they did not clear in time. If they [the government] cleared [the land] we would have food next year but now we have no means for food.”
Commercial Land Investment
The villagization program is taking place in areas where significant land investment is planned or occurring. The Ethiopian government has consistently denied that the resettlement of people in Gambella is connected to the leasing of large areas of land for commercial agriculture, but villagers have been told by government officials that this is an underlying reason for their displacement. Former local government officials confirmed these allegations to Human Rights Watch.
One farmer told Human Rights Watch that during the government’s initial meeting with his village, government officials told them: “We will invite investors who will grow cash crops. You do not use the land well. It is lying idle.”
“We want you to be clear that the government brought us here… to die... right here,” one elder told Human Rights Watch. “We want the world to hear that government brought the Anuak people here to die. They brought us no food, they gave away our land to the foreigners so we can’t even move back. On all sides the land is given away, so we will die here in one place.”
Mass displacement to make way for commercial agriculture in the absence of a proper legal process contravenes Ethiopia’s constitution and violates the rights of indigenous peoples under international law.
From 2008 through January 2011, Ethiopia leased out at least 3.6 million hectares of land, an area the size of the Netherlands. An additional 2.1 million hectares of land is available through the federal government’s land bank for agricultural investment. In Gambella, 42 percent of the total land area is either being marketed for lease to investors or has already been awarded to investors, according to government figures. Many of the areas that have been moved for villagization are within areas slated for commercial agricultural investment.
“The villagization program is being undertaken in the exact same areas of Ethiopia that the government is leasing to foreign investors for large-scale commercial agricultural operations,” Egeland said. “This raises suspicions about the underlying motives of the villagization program.”
Role of Foreign Donors
Foreign donors to Ethiopia, including the United Kingdom, United States, World Bank, and European Union, assert that they have no direct involvement in the villagization programs. However, the multi-donor Protection of Basic Services (PBS) program subsidizes basic services – health, education, agriculture, roads, and water – and local government salaries in all districts in the country, including areas where new villages are being constructed and where the main activity of local governments is moving people.
As a result of their potential responsibilities and liabilities, donors have undertaken assessments of the villagization program in Gambella and in Benishangul-Gumuz and determined that the relocations were voluntary. Human Rights Watch’s field-based research and interviews with residents, however, indicates that the moves have been coerced.
International donors should ensure that they are not providing support for forced displacement or facilitating rights violations in the name of development, Human Rights Watch said. They should press Ethiopia to live up to its responsibilities under Ethiopian and international law, namely to provide communities with genuine consultation on the villagization process, ensure that the relocation of indigenous people is voluntary, compensate them appropriately, prevent human rights violations during and after any relocation, and prosecute those implicated in abuses. Donors should also seek to ensure that the government meets its obligations to respect, protect, and fulfill the economic and social rights of the people in new villages.
“It seems that the donor money is being used, at least indirectly, to fund the villagization program,” Egeland said. “Donors have a responsibility to ensure that their assistance does not facilitate forced displacement and associated violations.”
Selected Accounts from “Waiting Here for Death”
“We were told, ‘If somebody refuses, the government will take action’ – so the people went to the new village – by force.”
–Villager in Abobo woreda (district), May 2011
“Farmers in our woreda did not want to go. The woreda reported to the region that farmers are refusing to accept. The governor asked the woreda chairman to investigate. He did – ‘Yes, they are resisting. What shall we do?’ he asked the governor. The governor told him that five development agents should be suspended from their job, and that he would bring in the soldiers. So that is what happened.”
–Former woreda civil servant, June 2011
“The government is killing our people through starvation and hunger. It is better to attack us in one place than just waiting here together to die. If you attack us, some of us could run, and some could survive. But this, we are dying here with our children. Government workers get this salary, but we are just waiting here for death.”
–Elder in recently relocated village, Abobo woreda, May 2011
“There is a psychological impact on children. No learning is happening. There was a school in the old village, here there is none. No one is going to school now, as they are afraid. Who will protect them going to the old village? Even the children themselves are refusing to go.”
–Anuak woman from new village discussing the lack of promised school in Abobo woreda, May 2011
Sunday, December 18, 2011
Canada’s aid to Ethiopia bankrolling repression, says jailed Canadian’s lawyer
Maintaining that Canadian aid is supporting repression in Ethiopia, human rights lawyer Lorne Waldman has filed an application in Federal Court to block it.
In his application, he is asking that the Canadian government be prohibited from contributing any more development dollars to the African nation to Ethiopia, through the World Bank or the United Nations Development Program.
The application is a last-ditch effort to win the freedom of Bashir Makhtal, a Canadian sentenced in 2009 to life in prison in Ethiopia, the third largest recipient of Canadian official development assistance.
In 2009-2010 Canada provided $168.54 million in development and humanitarian aid to Ethiopia, according to the Canadian International Development Agency’s own reports.
The request for the prohibition of further aid comes on the heels of repeated efforts to win the freedom of Makhtal, a Toronto man who was rendered illegally from Kenya to Ethiopia in January, 2007, kept in prison without access to a lawyer or Canadian consular officials for 18 months, then sentenced to life in prison on terrorism charges.
Makhtal, a former Toronto businessman, had returned to Africa in 2002 to run a used clothing business out of Djibouti, a tiny country between Ethiopia and Somalia on the Horn of Africa. He has been in prison since Dec. 30, 2006, when he was stopped at the Somalia-Kenya border.
The suit states Makhtal “was wrongly accused by the Ethiopian government and was found guilty of being a member of the Ogaden National Liberation Front, an organization seeking independence from Ethiopia of the oil-rich Ogaden region.”
Makhtal has said repeatedly that he does not belong to the organization. His only tie to the organization is a familial one, he has said. His grandfather was one of the co-founders.
Both Makhtal’s family and John Baird, minister of foreign affairs, have repeatedly attested to his innocence. Baird visited Makhtal in prison in Ethiopia and told the family he hoped to win his freedom. There was talk of amnesty from the Ethiopian government, but so far Makhtal remains behind bars in an Ethiopian jail.
“We’re now approaching the 5th anniversary of Bashir’s detention,” Waldman said in an interview with the Star. “We don’t doubt the sincerity of Mr. Baird’s efforts. We had high expectations . . . . But we have no choice but to take action. There have been many times when our hopes have been raised in expectation something would happen, but at this point there is absolutely no indication of any movement on these matters.”
Waldman is arguing in the application that Canada’s assistance program to Ethiopia to fund a variety of national programs is inconsistent with section 4(1) of the Official Development Assistance Accountability Act.
That clause stipulates “official development assistance may be provided only if the competent minister is of the opinion that it (a) contributes to poverty reduction; (b) takes into account the perspectives of the poor; and (c) is consistent with international human right standards.”
Waldman told the Star in an interview that the Canadian government is in contravention of the act because the money Canada is contributing to Ethiopia is being used as “a tool of repression,” rather than uplifting Ethiopian society generally.
Ethiopia has been ruled since 1991 by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front which has been “repeatedly accused of repression and breaching international human rights,” the application said.
According to Waldman’s application, in the U.S. State Department 2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices on Ethiopia there is a long list of human rights abuses, including “unlawful killings, torture, beating, and abuse and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces, especially special police and local militias which took aggressive or violent action with evident impunity in numerous instances.”
As well, the U.S. report points to “poor prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, particularly of suspected sympathizers or members of opposition or insurgent groups; detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; infringement on citizens’ privacy rights, including illegal searches, use of excessive force by security services in counterinsurgency operations.”
Waldman’s application also cites a 2011 Human Rights Watch World Report, saying “hundreds of Ethiopians have been arbitrarily arrested and detained and sometimes subjected to torture and other ill treatments by the Government.”
In October 2010, Human Rights Watch issued a report that stated Ethiopia is using international development assistance for state repression, discrimination and violations of civil and political rights. The report pointed to “serious concerns with respect to national programs, funded by CIDA and other international donors.”
Waldman argues that Canadian official assistance, as directed through the World Bank and the UNDP to Ethiopia, is “bankrolling the Ethiopian government’s state repression, and perpetuates the politicized and discriminatory access to government services, including the judiciary.”
“My client Bashir Makhtal is a victim of the repression of this regime,” Waldman said. “In his particular case the Ethiopian judiciary played a role in his imprisonment. It is not impartial and is in the control of the ruling party of Ethiopia. Some of the money from Canada being channeled through the World Bank goes to back government services which would go back to the justice system — the instrument of repression that was used to sentence Mr. Makhtal to life in prison as a result of an unfair trial. It was a kangaroo court and all the reports of the trial support that.
“The Ethiopian government could end the lawsuit tomorrow if they release Bashir,” Waldman said.
Monday, November 21, 2011
Ethiopia: Stop Using Anti-Terror Law to Stifle Peaceful Dissent
Diplomats Should Systematically Monitor Terrorism Trials
The anti-terror law itself is a huge problem. The international community, especially the European Union, United States, and United Kingdom, should ask the Ethiopian government hard questions about why it is using this law to crack down on peaceful independent voices.
(Nairobi) – The Ethiopian government should cease using its overly broad anti-terrorism law against journalists and peaceful political activists, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International said today.
On November 23, 2011, the trial of 24 people charged with terrorism offenses on November 10 will continue. Those charged include six journalists and two members of the opposition Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) party. Sixteen of the 24 are being tried in absentia. Several other terrorism trials of journalists and opposition activists are ongoing.
“The Ethiopian government is exploiting its vaguely worded anti-terror law to crush peaceful dissent,” said Rona Peligal, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch.
The Anti-Terrorism Proclamation of 2009 includes an overbroad and vague definition of terrorist acts and a definition of “encouragement of terrorism” that makes the publication of statements “likely to be understood as encouraging terrorist acts” punishable by 10 to 20 years in prison. These provisions mean that critics of government such as journalists and political opponents could be charged for encouraging terrorism, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International said.
The organizations urged the Ethiopian government to facilitate systematic monitoring of the trials by the diplomatic community. The times and locations of hearings have been altered at the last minute at least twice during the ongoing trials. The government should ensure that key information, including location and time of hearings, is available to the public.
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch also urged diplomats stationed in Ethiopia to carry out systematic monitoring of the ongoing terrorism trials and the trials of members of the Oromo political opposition arrested during 2011. This is particularly important in the absence of independent human rights organizations, which the Ethiopian government has effectively banned. While diplomatic representatives have attended several remand hearings and trial sessions of terrorism cases, none were apparently present at the November 10 confirmation of charges hearing, following a last-minute change of location, nor at the subsequent hearing on November 15.
Ethiopia’s foreign partners closely followed a series of trials from 2005 to 2007, in which treason charges were brought following contested elections. The Council of the European Union appointed a full-time trial observer, although the findings of its report were never made public. EU embassy staff monitored these trials on a rotating basis, and a US embassy staff member was also present.
“Diplomats’ systematic monitoring of these trials is essential,” said Michelle Kagari, deputy director for Africa at Amnesty International. “Without the presence of local civil society, diplomats can play a vital role in witnessing whether or not the suspects’ right to a fair trial is respected.”
None of the defendants detained and charged under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation during 2011 had access to a lawyer during the pre-trial period. Three of those charged have complained in court of mistreatment in detention.
Public comments by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the government spokesman, Shimeles Kemal, have undermined the defendants’ presumption of innocence, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International said. Their comments might also exert political pressure on the courts in a country where the judiciary lacks independence.
Since June 2011, the Ethiopian government has charged at least 33 people under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation of 2009.
In addition, in 2011, at least 98 members of the two main Oromo political opposition parties, the Oromo Federal Democratic Movement (OFDM) and the Oromo People’s Congress (OPC), have been arrested and charged under the Criminal Code on the basis of alleged involvement with the Oromo Liberation Front, a banned rebel group.
Seven of the people charged on November 10 had previously been charged during the trials that followed the 2005 elections. All had been given presidential pardon. Three of the seven are among the defendants who are now in custody, two others fled the country after their earlier release, and two were already living in exile when they were charged in the earlier cases.
Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have long called for the anti-terrorism law to be amended to bring it into line with Ethiopia’s domestic and international legal obligations.
“The anti-terror law itself is a huge problem,” Peligal said. “The international community, especially the European Union, United States, and United Kingdom, should ask the Ethiopian government hard questions about why it is using this law to crack down on peaceful independent voices.”
On November 23, 2011, the trial of 24 people charged with terrorism offenses on November 10 will continue. Those charged include six journalists and two members of the opposition Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) party. Sixteen of the 24 are being tried in absentia. Several other terrorism trials of journalists and opposition activists are ongoing.
“The Ethiopian government is exploiting its vaguely worded anti-terror law to crush peaceful dissent,” said Rona Peligal, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch.
The Anti-Terrorism Proclamation of 2009 includes an overbroad and vague definition of terrorist acts and a definition of “encouragement of terrorism” that makes the publication of statements “likely to be understood as encouraging terrorist acts” punishable by 10 to 20 years in prison. These provisions mean that critics of government such as journalists and political opponents could be charged for encouraging terrorism, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International said.
The organizations urged the Ethiopian government to facilitate systematic monitoring of the trials by the diplomatic community. The times and locations of hearings have been altered at the last minute at least twice during the ongoing trials. The government should ensure that key information, including location and time of hearings, is available to the public.
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch also urged diplomats stationed in Ethiopia to carry out systematic monitoring of the ongoing terrorism trials and the trials of members of the Oromo political opposition arrested during 2011. This is particularly important in the absence of independent human rights organizations, which the Ethiopian government has effectively banned. While diplomatic representatives have attended several remand hearings and trial sessions of terrorism cases, none were apparently present at the November 10 confirmation of charges hearing, following a last-minute change of location, nor at the subsequent hearing on November 15.
Ethiopia’s foreign partners closely followed a series of trials from 2005 to 2007, in which treason charges were brought following contested elections. The Council of the European Union appointed a full-time trial observer, although the findings of its report were never made public. EU embassy staff monitored these trials on a rotating basis, and a US embassy staff member was also present.
“Diplomats’ systematic monitoring of these trials is essential,” said Michelle Kagari, deputy director for Africa at Amnesty International. “Without the presence of local civil society, diplomats can play a vital role in witnessing whether or not the suspects’ right to a fair trial is respected.”
None of the defendants detained and charged under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation during 2011 had access to a lawyer during the pre-trial period. Three of those charged have complained in court of mistreatment in detention.
Public comments by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the government spokesman, Shimeles Kemal, have undermined the defendants’ presumption of innocence, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International said. Their comments might also exert political pressure on the courts in a country where the judiciary lacks independence.
Since June 2011, the Ethiopian government has charged at least 33 people under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation of 2009.
In addition, in 2011, at least 98 members of the two main Oromo political opposition parties, the Oromo Federal Democratic Movement (OFDM) and the Oromo People’s Congress (OPC), have been arrested and charged under the Criminal Code on the basis of alleged involvement with the Oromo Liberation Front, a banned rebel group.
Seven of the people charged on November 10 had previously been charged during the trials that followed the 2005 elections. All had been given presidential pardon. Three of the seven are among the defendants who are now in custody, two others fled the country after their earlier release, and two were already living in exile when they were charged in the earlier cases.
Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have long called for the anti-terrorism law to be amended to bring it into line with Ethiopia’s domestic and international legal obligations.
“The anti-terror law itself is a huge problem,” Peligal said. “The international community, especially the European Union, United States, and United Kingdom, should ask the Ethiopian government hard questions about why it is using this law to crack down on peaceful independent voices.”
Thursday, November 17, 2011
PRESS RELEASE We, members of Unity for Human Rights and Democracy Toronto are shocked to hear of the death of Yenesew Gebre, a 29-nine year old Ethiopian teacher from southwest Ethiopia who set himself on fire on Friday, November 11, and died on Monday November 14 in the town of Dawro, Waka, Southern Ethiopia, after confronting government officials at a public meeting.
It gives heartbreaking testimony to the unbearable pain he and others have suffered under the brutal and oppressive rule of the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front under the leadership of Meles Zenawi for the past 20 years. We strongly believe every life is a God-given gift and one life lost is one too many. As advocates of a peaceful struggle for democracy and justice, this stands for upholding the human and civil rights of all people regardless of ethnicity or other differences. When one Ethiopian is hurt, we are all hurt.
Mr. Yenesew Gebre is not just some unknown Ethiopian; he is one of us and has a name. He is the son, brother, uncle, best friend, teacher or valued colleague of others who also have names. We are sure his absence in this world will be deeply grieved by all of them and our thoughts and prayers are with them at this time. He is part of our greater Ethiopian family and together, we mourn the loss of his life. He is one of the many Ethiopians who have been deprived of his life.
The Canadian government has spent hundreds of millions of Canadian tax payers’ money supporting the regime in Ethiopia. Particularly, in the past decade millions of dollars were spent to revitalize the justice system in Ethiopia, which today is in total collapse. The regime of Meles Zenawi, uses the justice system as a tool to intimidate political opponents. Political motivated trials in the past also indicate that, the judiciary in Ethiopia is neither independent nor impartial. In the last twenty years no person accused of an offence in relation to his political activities has received a favourable ruling. Simply put, the justice system is manipulated controlled and directed by the regime.
According to Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) sources, Yenesew was very angry at the injustice the people were subjected at the hands of ruling party officials. It also appears that Yenesew had been fired from his teaching position due to his political views and unswerving stand against human rights violations, tyranny and oppression. As Canadians it hurts us a lot to see our government supporting and more, sending Canadian Tax payer’s money to a dictator that does not respect basic Human rights.
We, members of Unity for Human Rights and Democracy, demand Canada review, more clearly stop its financial support to the regime of Mr.Mels Zenaw, and raise the issue of an immediate political reform in Ethiopia.
Our condolence goes to the family and friends to Yenesew Gebre.
Yousuf Omer
President
November 18, 2011
Friday, September 16, 2011
The Regime of Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia is incarcerating opposition party leaders, and Democracy activist, using the draconian anti-terrorist law
The Honorable John Baird
Minister of Foreign Affairs
125 Sussex Drive
Ottawa, Ontario
K1A 0G2
September, 17, 2011
Dear Minister Baird
Re: The Regime of Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia is incarcerating opposition party leaders, and Democracy activist, using the draconian anti-terrorist law. The latest Victims are Legendary Ethiopian Film actor/comedian Debebe Eshetu, Journalist Eskender Nega.
We, members of Unity for Human Rights and Democracy Toronto, would like to bring to your attention the recent unjust imprisonment of leading political figures and journalist in Ethiopia under a false pretext of terrorism. The detained include two Swedish journalists and three local journalists, three prominent leaders of the largest opposition alliance “Mederk,” the famous actor, director a human right activist and alumni of York University Debebe Eshetu, Journalist Eskender Nega, Mr. Bekele Gerba, Mr. Olbana Lelisa, Mr. Amdualem Arageie and 29 other members of opposition parties. It should be recalled as you are very aware with the case of Mr. Bashir Makthal which he is still languishing in prison.
The draconian anti-terrorist law, under which Mr Eshetu and others are held, has been proclaimed since 2009. This law was opposed by the international and local human right organizations including the government of Canada. The legislation purposely employs wide vague and misleading definitions of terrorist and terrorism and is tailored to be used against any person the government targets for any other cause. For instance the legislation criminalized “thinking of supporting” an organization which the regime deems terrorist. Save as this instance, thinking unaccompanied by any manifest action has never been used as a sole element of a criminal offence in any other jurisdiction. The nature of the law and its recent application therefore strongly indicate that, the law is lest related to terrorism and is mainly aimed at suppression of decent.
Before the recent crackdown and following the proclamation of the draconian legislation the regime has organized seminars for all levels of the judiciary. During these seminars, judges were told in no uncertain terms, that the anti-terrorist law is to be enforced stringently with no lenience shown to any one accused under it. Similarly political motivated trials in the past also indicate that, the judiciary in Ethiopia is neither independent nor impartial. In the last twenty years no person accused of an offence in relation to his political activities has received a favorable ruling. Simply put, the justice system is manipulated controlled and directed by the regime.
These and many other particulars hence constrained us to conclude, Mr Eshetu and others will not be tried on facts and laws but have already been convicted by the regime and trials will only serve to give an air of legality to the sham process. Considering the above facts and circumstances and Canada’s unwavering support for democratic reforms and rule of law in Ethiopia we implore upon you and your good office to consider taking the following majors.
To express your concern to the regime of Mr. Meles Zenawi, officials and their diplomatic missions here in Canada.
To denounce the illegal detentions and inhuman treatment of prisoners and request their unconditional release.
To condition, Canada’s assistance on a meaningful democratic reforms that includes the opposition parties, and make a serious consideration withholding the assistance if the regime refuses to address these flagrant injustices.
Sincerely,
Yousuf Omer
President
Wednesday, September 14, 2011
ADDIS ABABA - Security men on Wednesday arrested prominent Ethiopian journalist Eskinder Nega and opposition party leader Andualem Aragie. They were both taken to Makelawi Prison in handcuffs at different times in the afternoon, witnessed said.Eskinder and Andualem were earlier around 8:30 am seen conversing over coffee with two other UDJ members at a cafeteria near the opposition party's headquarters, a UDJ press release reported.
Acclaimed as a widely read journalist whose weekly columns appear on Ethiomedia.com on Fridays, Eskinder has been writing articles critical of the government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi whose high-handed rule has often been denounced by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, among others. Andualem, a young, charismatic opposition leader whose oratorical skills shot him to prominence in the run-up to the overwhelmingly-rigged 2010 elections, had served nearly two years in prison following the ill-fated 2005 elections in which security forces killed at least 193 protesters.
Eskinder Nega, whose courage and unbending spirit is the envy of every opposition leader who would like to beat brutal thugs hands down, was also a prison inmate during the 2005 nationwide crackdown that led to the shutting down of the independent press, including three newspapers that Eskinder used to edit. He was held in solitary confinement for several months, and bears a dislocated shoulder due to torture. He is the husband of award-winning journalist Serkalem Fassil.
The government has targetted prominent journalists and opposition leaders as a pre-emptive strike at what observers say fears of public unrest due to an economic crisis compounded by an inflation that has soared over 40 percent in recent weeks.
Earlier last week, police arrested Debebe Eshetu, a veteran actor and opposition activist, and charged him under a new anti-terror law for having alleged ties to Ginbot Sebat, an opposition group outlawed in Ethiopia. Two opposition party officials and two journalists were also arrested under the anti-terror law, which human rights groups say is a smokescreen the government uses to crush dissent.
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Eskinder Nega, whose courage and unbending spirit is the envy of every opposition leader who would like to beat brutal thugs hands down, was also a prison inmate during the 2005 nationwide crackdown that led to the shutting down of the independent press, including three newspapers that Eskinder used to edit. He was held in solitary confinement for several months, and bears a dislocated shoulder due to torture. He is the husband of award-winning journalist Serkalem Fassil.
The government has targetted prominent journalists and opposition leaders as a pre-emptive strike at what observers say fears of public unrest due to an economic crisis compounded by an inflation that has soared over 40 percent in recent weeks.
Earlier last week, police arrested Debebe Eshetu, a veteran actor and opposition activist, and charged him under a new anti-terror law for having alleged ties to Ginbot Sebat, an opposition group outlawed in Ethiopia. Two opposition party officials and two journalists were also arrested under the anti-terror law, which human rights groups say is a smokescreen the government uses to crush dissent.
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